Evaluation of Heparin-Induced Thrombocytopenia Antibody Laboratory Use and Anticoagulation Prescribing Patterns

Introduction Heparin-induced thrombocytopenia (HIT) is a rare adverse reaction Calculating a 4T score prior to ordering a heparin-PF4 immunoassay is recommended. For a score \u3c 4, HIT probability is low and an assay is not advised If high suspicion of HIT (4T greater than or equal to 4), an assay should be ordered, all heparin products discontinued, and a non-heparin anticoagulant initiated. Purpose Determine if heparin immunoassay ordering was indicted according to retrospective 4T score Assess anticoagulation prescribing depending on the result of the assay Serve as a pre-group for a planned perverse post-HIT order set implementation analysishttps://digitalcommons.centracare.com/pharmacy_posters/1007/thumbnail.jp

Just Locker Room Talk? Explicit Sexism and the Impact of the Access Hollywood Tape on Electoral Support for Donald Trump in 2016

Scholars have long debated whether and to what extent citizens punish political candidates for explicitly racist rhetoric. However, few studies explore whether a similar dynamic occurs when explicitly sexist messages are conveyed on the campaign trail. Do citizens recoil when exposed to explicitly sexist messages? To investigate this question, we exploit the unique opportunity afforded by the release of the “Access Hollywood” tape during the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign. Using data provided by the 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Study and employing a variety of analytic approaches, we find consistent evidence that the release of the tape modestly, though significantly, reduced support for Donald Trump during the 2016 campaign. Surprisingly, these effects were similar among men and women; but they were noticeably larger among Republicans compared to Democrats

Helping to Break the Glass Ceiling? Fathers, First Daughters, and Presidential Vote Choice in 2016

Throughout her 2016 U.S. presidential campaign, Democratic Party nominee Hillary Clinton crafted messages intended to appeal to fathers of daughters and to highlight the implications of her historic nomination for American girls and women. Clinton reminded voters that her election could mean that “fathers will be able to say to their daughters, you, too, can grow up to be president” (Frizell 2015). But did these appeals succeed in mobilizing fathers of daughters to support Clinton? Using original cross sectional and experimental survey data from the 2016 CCES, we ask two questions. First, were men who fathered daughters (a life event which we operationalize, for important methodological and theoretical reasons detailed herein, as men who fathered a daughter as their first child) more likely to support, and vote for, Hillary Clinton in the 2016 presidential election than were those who fathered sons as their first child? Second, were Clinton’s direct appeals to fathers of daughters effective in increasing her electoral support? We find that fathers who have daughters as their first child are more likely to prefer and vote for Clinton, and are more likely to support a fictional female congressional candidate using a “Clintonesque” appeal that emphasizes expanding opportunities for “our daughters.” These results suggest that entry into fatherhood with a daughter (as opposed to with a son) is a formative experience for men that has consequences for their political choices in later life. Our conclusions inform the growing literature on the implications of fathering daughters on men’s political behavior

The First Daughter Effect: The Impact of Fathering Daughters on Men’s Preferences for Gender Equality Policies

An extensive literature on the politics of the family suggests that familial relationships play a central role in individuals’ political socialization and can ultimately shape one’s policy preferences. A current debate within this literature deals with the impact of daughters on fathers’ political attitudes. In this article, we address this debate in relation to a specific set of policy preferences and ask: does the experience of fathering daughters affect men’s opinions toward gender equality policies? In answering this question, we examine three specific, theoretically-motivated propositions: first, that having a daughter leads men to see the benefits of public policies that aim to reduce gender inequality and therefore to support those policies; second, that fathers with a larger proportion of daughters express stronger support for these policies; and finally, that having a daughter as a man’s first child is a critical event in the political socialization of men, such that this experience of “first daughterhood” will lead to higher levels of support for gender equality policies. We use original representative survey data from a module on the 2016 Cooperative Congressional Election Study (CCES) to test these three hypotheses. The results of our analyses suggest that the experience of having a daughter as a first child – but not the effect of having a daughter in general or the experience of having a higher proportion of daughters – significantly increases fathers’ support for policies designed to increase gender equality

Family Ties? The Limits of Fathering Daughters on Congressional Behavior

Scholars have long suggested that familial life can affect political behavior, and more recently, have found that fathering daughters leads men to adopt more liberal positions on gender equality policies. However, few have focused on the impact of fathering a daughter on congressional behavior, particularly in an era of heightened partisan polarization. Using an original dataset of familial information, we examine whether fathering a daughter influences male legislators’ 1) roll call and cosponsorship support for women’s issues in the 110th – 114th Congresses and 2) cosponsorship of bills introduced by female legislators in the 110th Congress. We find that once party affiliation is taken into account, having a daughter neither predicts support for women’s issues nor cosponsorship of bills sponsored by women. Our findings suggest there are limits to the direct effects of parenting daughters on men’s political behavior, and that scholars should remain attentive to institutional and partisan contexts