Short- and long-term impacts of economic policies on child labor and schooling in Ghana

While the issue of child labor in developing countries has received increased attention in recent years, most of the empirical analysis has been based on one-time cross sectional samples. While this may give an idea of the incidence, and determinants of child labor at one point in time, it is silent about the dynamics of child labor over time, and sometimes may even influence policy choices against child labor adversely. This paper attempts to fill this void, analyzing the dynamics of child labor and schooling in Ghana, aiming at investigating the impact of broad economic reforms on child labor and schooling in the short, medium and long-run. Starting from a premise that the simple - direct - relationship between poverty and child labor, which has often been seen as the feature of child labor, may not adequately capture the multi-facetted nature of child labor, we find evidence of asymmetries in the child labor-poverty link, as well as quite complex dynamics in the evolution of child labor and schooling, and their determinants over time. Most notably, child labor is found to be responsive to poverty in the short run, but not in the long run, while child schooling is unaffected by poverty in the short run, but responds in the medium- to long run. These results suggested that child labor acts as an economic buffer of the household in the short run, regardless of changes in the economic environment, or perceptions of the latter, following economic reforms, thus supporting - and refining - the poverty explanation of child labor.Street Children,Environmental Economics&Policies,Youth and Governance,Children and Youth,Poverty Assessment

Financing Health for All in India

India has set out ambitious goals for itself in the health sector in its Tenth Five Year Plan (2002-07). It is also a signatory to the United Nations Millennium Development Goals. Attainment of these goals which are time-bound will require a massive scaling up of investment in health, especially in public primary health care. We argue for a ‘Health for All’ initiative on the part of the government akin to the ‘Education for All’ scheme which was launched nation-wide in 2001. The large amount of resources required for scaling up public investment in primary health need not be the constraint it is purported to be. We discuss several options that are available to the government for generating the necessary funds. Among the options that can generate resources domestically are reform of the government’s subsidies regime including implementing life-line tariffs, ear-marking taxes and disinvestment of loss-making public sector units. Health for All can also be financed by raising more resources via external assistance. Official development assistance to India at present is rather low given India’s per capita income and the scale of its needs in human development terms. The scale of official development aid to India should increase several folds and committed use of funds should be made by the government in health and other priority sectors. With the 73rd and 74th amendments to the Indian Constitution which created a third tier of government comprising of elected local bodies at the village and town ward levels, a decentralized system of service delivery will eventually become a reality in India and needs to be a part of any debate on the means and modes of improving human development outcomes in India. The current system of planning and allocation of funds at the sub-national level however needs to be over-hauled if fiscal decentralization is also to become a reality

India: Towards the Millennium Development Goals

India’s performance vis-à-vis human development has been mixed in the last decade. A high and sustainable rate of economic growth in the post reform period has reduced the number of people below the poverty line. Literacy rates have not only continued their trend rise but there has been a decline in the absolute number of illiterates for the first time. Population health, however, remains an area of neglect. Health indicators, while recording improvements over time, point to alarmingly high rates of malnutrition and mortality, especially among women and children, and widespread lack of access to medical care. Literacy rates have shown remarkable improvement in India in the last decade, both for males and females. Total literacy rates increased from 52% in 1991 to 66% in 2001, with male literacy rates increasing from 64% to 76% and female literacy rates increasing from 39% to 54%. The most heartening aspect of India’s educational stride forward is the improvements recorded by the educationally backward states, especially the state of Madhya Pradesh. While there has been secular improvement in most health indicators, India continues to perform inferiorly in terms of health. Infant mortality rates have fallen and life expectancy has been rising. Maternal and child health, on the other hand, remain areas of neglect and as a result maternal mortality rates remain high, there is pervasive under-nutrition among children and women, and conditions of safe child birth elude large proportions of pregnant women. Kerala has stood apart from the Indian experience in both education and health, achieving social development levels that are close to those found in the rich developed countries. With vigorous public action accompanied by financial commitment determinedly focused on providing access to good education and health to every individual, Kerala boasts of high literacy rates of over 90% for both males and females, and the highest life expectancy and lowest infant mortality rates among all states of India. Moreover, the sex ratio in Kerala, unlike that for India as a whole and in sharp contrast to those of the rich states of Punjab and Haryana, is quite favorable for women. The state of Madhya Pradesh, historically one of the most socially backward states in India, has made rapid strides in education in the last decade. Between 1991 and 2001, literacy rates in Madhya Pradesh have jumped more than 20% points, increasing from 44.6% in 1991 to 64.11% in 2001, recording the highest decadal increase in literacy among Indian states. Moreover, female literacy rates in Madhya Pradesh improved more than male literacy rates, increasing from 39.29% in 1991 to 54.16% in 2001. To pursue the goal of mass literacy, Madhya Pradesh established 26,000 new primary schools within a year (1997-1998), achieving universal access. The unique feature of the state’s remarkable achievement has been the use of organizational support provided by village councils (Panchayats) to spread education to rural areas and to its large population of scheduled castes and tribes

Primary Education in India: Quality and Coverage Issues

An attempt is made in this paper to analyze the state of primary education in India. Using various data-sources and secondary research, we provide a description of the salient features of the public education system in India for primary schools (grades one through five) as well as educational outcomes, both in terms of quantity and quality. Literacy rates, especially in the younger age groups, for both boys and girls are on an upward trend. This is an extremely positive outcome as historically India has suffered from endemic illiteracy. However, rising literacy rates have been accompanied by unevenness of achievements: across Indian states and across various socioeconomic groups. States in the Western and Southern zones of India outperform those in the East and Center. Moreover, the densely populated states of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Rajasthan continue to lag behind the rest of India. Literacy rates for girls, rural residents, and especially members of scheduled castes and scheduled tribes also lag behind those for boys, urban residents and the upper castes. In terms of physical access to schools, more than ninety percent of the Indian population now has a primary school located within one kilometer of their place of residence. However, many schools have only one or two classrooms and most lack running water and toilets. These features are not conducive to a learning environment. The really critical aspect of the Indian public education system is its low quality. Even in educationally advanced states, an unacceptably low proportion of children who complete all grades of primary school have functional literacy. There is a lot of ‘waste’ in the school system as evidenced by the large percentage of children who drop-out before completing primary schooling. Such inefficiency is compounded by teacher apathy, teacher absenteeism, very high pupil-teacher ratios and inadequate teacher training. Public expenditure on education in India has been rising over time. After the District Primary Education Programme (DPEP) which was launched in 1994, the federal government launched the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA) in 2001 with the goal to universalize primary education (grades one to five) by 2007 and elementary education (grades one to eight) by 2010. Unlike the DPEP, SSA is funded entirely by domestic resources and provides the states with a strong initiative backed by funding to tackle illiteracy among the young members of their population. Another policy that has been very successful in increasing enrollments, attendance and retention of students in primary school is that of the provision of mid-day meals. There are lessons to be learnt from the diverse experiences of Indian states in terms of their achievements in literacy. While in Kerala, strong social intermediation by the government has proved successful, in Himachal Pradesh, social capital and community participation seem to have led to similar success

Primary Health Care in India: Coverage and Quality Issues

India’s achievements in the field of health have been less than satisfactory and the burden of disease among the Indian population remains high. Infant and child mortality and morbidity and maternal mortality and morbidity affect millions of children and women. Infectious diseases such as malaria and especially TB are reemerging as epidemics, and there is the growing specter of HIV/AIDS. Many of these illnesses and deaths can be prevented and/or treated cost-effectively with primary health care services provided by the public health system. An extensive primary health care infrastructure provided by the government exists in India. Yet, it is inadequate in terms of coverage of the population, especially in rural areas, and grossly underutilized because of the dismal quality of health care provided. In most public health centers which provide primary health care services, drugs and equipments are missing or in short supply, there is shortage of staff and the system is characterized by endemic absenteeism on the part of medical personnel due to lack of oversight and control. As a result most people in India, even the poor, choose expensive health care services provided by the largely unregulated private sector. Not only do the poor face the double burden of poverty and ill-health, the financial burden of ill health can push even the non-poor into poverty. On the other hand, population health is instrumental for both poverty reduction and for economic growth, two important developmental goals. India spends less than 1% of its GDP on public health, which is grossly inadequate. Public investment in health, and in particular in primary health care, needs to be much higher to achieve health targets, to reduce poverty and to raise the rate of economic growth. Moreover, the health system needs to be reformed to ensure efficient and effective delivery of good quality health services

Comparative analysis of injection clonidine and injection dexmedetomidine added to injection bupivacaine for spinal anaesthesia in lower abdominal surgeries

Background:Efficacy of sub-arachnoid block can be improved by addition of various adjuvants to local anesthetics. Intrathecal administration of clonidine or dexmedetomidine has improved the quality of spinal anesthesia in terms of longer duration of post-operative analgesia with comparatively lesser side effects. In present study we compared the onset and duration of motor and sensory block, hemodynamic effects, post-operative analgesia and adverse effects of clonidine and dexmedetomidine used intrathecally with bupivacaine.Methods: Present study was conducted in 150 patients (ASA class I and II) undergoing lower abdominal surgeries. Patients were randomly divided into three group’s viz. B, C and D. Group B received bupivacaine (12.5 mg), group C received clonidine (30 µg) with bupivacaine and group D received dexmedetomidine (5 µg) with bupivacaine. Volume of administered drug was set at 3ml in all the groups. The onset time to reach peak sensory and motor block level, regression time to sensory and motor block, hemodynamic changes and side effects if any were assessed and recorded.Results: In our study we observed that there was no significant difference in patient demography and duration of surgical procedure. The time to onset of sensory blockage was similar in all the three groups but time to onset of motor block was shorter in group C and D compared to group B. Total duration of sensory and motor block was significantly higher in group D compared to group C and B. The duration of sensory block in group D was 139.58+14.49, in group C it was 122.46+18.55 and in group B it was 100+13.43 minutes. The duration of motor block in group D was 250.40+27.33, in group C it was 229.28+23.68 and in group B it was 175.64+17.41 minutes.Conclusions: It was concluded that though both clonidine and dexmedetomidine prolonged duration of sensory and motor block of Bupivacaine, Dexmedetomidine is better in terms of longer duration of action.

Usporedba lidokaina i kombinacije lidokaina i ketamina primijenjenih za distalnu intravensku regionalnu anesteziju (DIVRA) u goveda

The hoof diseases of cattle can be managed surgically under intravenous regional anesthesia (IVRA). For routine induction of IVRA, a tourniquet is placed circumferentially at the metacarpus/metatarsus. In the present study, hoof diseases of cattle were corrected using a modified IVRA technique. The cattle with hoof ailments were randomly divided into two groups and a tourniquet was placed just distal to the dew claws instead of at the metacarpus/metatarsus in order to decrease the dose of anesthetic. In group I lidocaine (2mg/kg) and in group II a mixture of lidocaine and ketamine (2mg/kg+1.5mg/kg) was injected into the axial digital vein to induce distal intravenous regional anesthesia (DIVRA). The heart rate, respiration rate, systolic and diastolic pressure were unaffected in both groups. Oxygen saturation was significantly (P<0.05) lower between 5 and 60 minutes in group I and between 15 and 40 minutes in group II animals. The sensory and motor block onset time was shorter, and the sensory and motor block recovery time was longer in group II animals as compared to group I animals. It was concluded that the DIVRA technique using lidocaine alone and lidocaine admixed with ketamine are suitable for hoof examination and surgery.Bolesti papaka u goveda mogu se kirurški liječiti pod intravenskom regionalnom anestezijom (IVRA). Za rutinsko uvođenje u IVRA-u postavlja se kružno čvrsti zavoj na metakarpus/metatarzus. U ovom su istraživanju bolesti papaka u goveda liječene modificiranom IVRA metodom. Istražene životinje nasumično su podijeljene u dvije skupine a zavoj kojim se samnjuje doza anestetika postavljen je, umjesto na metakarpus/metatarzus, distalno od rudimentiranih papaka. U skupini I primijenjen je lidokain (2 mg/kg), a u skupini II kombinacija lidokaina i ketamina (2 mg/kg + 1,5 mg/kg). Za uvođenje u distalnu intravensku regionalnu anesteziju (DIVRA) anestetici su aplicirani u aksijalnu digitalnu venu. Srčana frekvencija, frekvencija disanja, sistolički i dijastolički tlak u obje su skupine bili nepromijenjeni. Zasićenost kisikom bila je znakovito niža (P<0,05) između 5. i 60. minute u skupini I te između 15. i 40. minute u skupini II. Vrijeme pojave senzornih i motoričkih blokova bilo je kraće, a vrijeme oporavka tih blokova dulje u životinja u skupini II u usporedbi sa skupinom I. Zaključeno je da je DIVRA, uz upotrebu i samog lidokaina i lidokaina u kombinaciji s ketaminom, prikladna metoda za pregled i obavljanje kiruških zahvata na papcima goveda

How Do Government and Private Schools Differ? Findings from Two Large Indian States

This paper uses survey data from representative samples of government and private schools in two states of India, Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh, to explore systematic differences between the two school types. The authors find that private school students have higher test scores than government school students. However, in both private and government schools the overall quality is low and learning gains from one grade to the next are small. There is large variation in the quality of both school types; and observed school and teacher characteristics are weakly correlated with learning outcomes. There is considerable sorting among students, and those from higher socio-economic strata select into private schools. Private schools have lower pupil-teacher ratios and seven to eight times' lower teacher salaries but do not differ systematically in infrastructure and teacher effort from government schools. Most of the variation in teacher effort is within schools and is weakly correlated with observed teacher characteristics such as education, training, and experience. After controlling for observed student and school characteristics, the private school advantage over government schools in test scores varies by state, school type and grade. Private unrecognized schools do better than private recognized schools. Given the large salary differential, private schools would clearly be more cost effective even in the case of no absolute difference in test scores

Findings from the Bhutan Learning Quality Survey

The education sector in Bhutan has been growing steadily since the 1960s and concomitantly the literacy rates of the population have also been steadily going up over time. The mostly mountainous country regards education as central to its national development. Every cohort has seen an increasing share of children going to school and the education system now strains to keep up with the speed with which enrolment has expanded over the last ten years, in-line with Bhutan's commitment to meet the education Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). This report is structured as follows: section two presents the background and context of Bhutan's education system; section three discusses previous theoretical and empirical literature on education quality; section four describes the sampling design methodology, the sample and empirical methodology used in this study; section five presents findings on students' actual knowledge in three subjects and their corresponding scaled scores; section six presents the results of multivariate regression analysis for estimating school, teacher and child related correlates of learning outcomes; section seven profiles teachers in grades two and four and the education process; and section eight concludes with brief summary, discussion of policy implications, and recommendation for future research

Contract Teachers

In this paper authors use non-experimental data from government schools in Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh, two of the largest Indian states, to present average school outcomes by contract status of teachers. The authors find that after controlling for teacher characteristics and school fixed effects, contract teachers are associated with higher effort than civil service teachers with permanent tenures. Higher teacher effort is associated with better student performance after controlling for other school inputs and student characteristics. Given that salaries earned by contract teachers are one fourth or less of civil service teachers, contract teachers may be a more cost-effective resource. However, contracts 'as they are' appear weak. Not only do contract teachers have fairly low average effort in absolute terms, but those who have been on the job for at least one full tenure have lower effort than others who are in the first contract period