18 research outputs found
What Really Determines Case Government in Old English?
This paper addresses the issue of what, besides grammatical roles or functions, determines the case government of Old English (OE) verbs by explaining what really distinguishes each OE morphological case. On the basis of the distinctions in passivization possibilities in OE, I propose an 'obliqueness hierarchy' among OE NP arguments, which results in an enriched interpretation of the case features of OE verbs, and then show that relative obliqueness plays a central role in the case government of OE verbs. I also explain many interesting examples of OE case government including the question of why a certain case is used for a preposition-verb compound verb when more than one case is logically possible
Reanalysis of Verb and Preposition in English
The verb (V) and the preposition (P) of prepositional verbs in the English prepositional passive cannot be interrupted by other material and this phenomenon has long been explained by means of the so-called reanalysis. About when or where this reanalysis occurs, however, there has been considerable controversy among scholars. This paper argues against both the reanalysis hypothesis (that assumes that the reanalysis exists in both the active and the passive) and the no-reanalysis hypothesis (that claims that there is no such thing as reanalysis in English at all) and shows that English indeed has the reanalysis of verb and preposition for passive permitting V+P sequences but that this reanalysis is possible and required only in the passive but not in the active
The Convergence of 'Similarities' and Making the Best of Probabilistic Evidence
Proceedings of the Twenty-Fourth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society: General Session and Parasession on Phonetics and Phonological Universals (1998
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What Does Diachrony Say About English Tough-Constructions?
Published as a special volume of the Coyote Papers: The University of Arizona Working Papers in Linguistics.Introduction (1) English tough-constructions (TCs, e.g., Bill is easy to please, Mary is hard to work with) have
caused considerable controversy about their correct analysis and this controversy can be roughly
described by two main types of analyses. The first type, which can be called "strong
connectivity" analysis, assumes syntactic connectivity between the tough-subject (i.e., the
subject of the main clause in a tough-sentence) and the gap in the infinitival phrase/clause. Thus,
studies along this line argue that the tough-subject is not the true subject of the tough-adjective
but is generated as the object of a verb or preposition in the infinitival phrase/clause and moved
to the subject position (Postal 1971, Postal & Ross 1971, Berman 1973, Postal 1974, Comrie &
Matthews 1990, etc.)(2). This position is supported by the well-known fact that typical toughadjectives
such as easy, hard, and difficult generally have no or little semantic effect on their
subjects.
On the other hand, the second type, which can be called "weak connectivity" analysis, argues
that there is no syntactic connectivity between the tough-subject and the gap and that toughadjectives
subcategorize for an infinitival phrase with a gap. Thus, early transformational studies
such as Ross (1967: 231), Akmajian (1972), and Lasnik & Fiengo (1974) say that the object of
the complement of a tough-adjective has been deleted. Government-Binding (GB) theory, for
example, Chomsky (1977: 102-110, 1981: 308-314), proposes the movement of an empty
operator that binds the trace in the object position and is coindexed with the subject.
Furthermore, although no movement of an empty operator is posited, the analysis of HeadDriven
Phrase Structure Grammar is similar to that of GB theory in that it does not assume
syntactic connectivity. Thus, Pollard & Sag (1994) analyze TCs as a lexical fact about some
special predicates and assume that such predicates as easy, difficult, take, and cost subcategorize
for infinitive complements containing an accusative NP gap which is coindexed with the subject.
Even though the second type of approach has long been more favored by current syntactic
frameworks, it is not clear whether there is sufficient empirical evidence to support this more
dominant, second type of analysis ( cf. Jones 1983 )(3). Since synchronic linguistics doesn't seem to be able to resolve this controversy one way or the other, what then does the diachrony of the
relevant parts of English grammar say about the analysis of TCs? Does diachrony argue for any
particular position?The Coyote Papers are made available by the Arizona Linguistics Circle at the University of Arizona and the University of Arizona Libraries. Contact [email protected] with questions about these materials