Europeanism within the “bounds of reason”. Reflections on the prospects of democracy and of supranational political integration

The current crisis of the EU and the “clash of nations” within it make it necessary to question the functioning of democracy and the future of the EU. Nations try to reassert themselves and, pressured by internal public opinion, the national political classes react by demanding a return to the past. Without a political center and without a community identity, can the EU overcome these recent crises

Politica e religione. Considerazioni sulla tolleranza e il relativismo in democrazia

Politics and Religion. Some Considerations on Tolerance and Relativism in Democracy. Giuseppe Ieraci The essay addresses the general theme of the relationship between religion and politics. It is initially argued that the values and symbols connected to the religious sphere (i.e., those promoting social and religious identity) circulate in any social systems together with other values and symbols not connected with religion. Historically, political power has established various relationships with the religious sphere, although not necessarily according to a fixed pattern in any political regime and at any time. Secondly, it is argued that the case of democracy is peculiar, in that it favors a kind of social and political pluralism which gradually reduces the religious sphere to a secondary role or, at least, places it on the same level with other forms of social identity, based on different cultural values and symbols. Finally, the issue of the relationship between democracy and tolerance is dealt with. John Locke\u2019s theses on tolerance are presented and discussed. According to John Locke, political power ought to tolerate only the individual beliefs and professions of faith or ideals. Consequently, in all the matters in which these beliefs or professions of faith have a direct or indirect impact on the social life the exclusive jurisdiction of the political power should be restored. In conclusion, the principle of >, which could be drawn from John Locke\u2019s thesis, still remains effectual for the coexistence of diversities in democracy, and provides a better antibody against fanaticism and fundamentalism than cultural relativism

Fallen Idols. State Failure and the Weakness of Authoritarianism

The Author tackles the RoA thesis, and opposes to it the ‘Weakness of Authoritarianism’ (WoA) argument. According to the latter, the authoritarian regimes are politically poorly institutionalized, as it is proved by their incapacity to transmit the political power peacefully and smoothly. Therefore, the authoritarian regimes are by definition on the verge of breakdown, they are constitutively weak and they can only precariously survive only as long as some regime factors (a political party, a bureaucracy penetrated by the dominant elite, a loyal and efficient coercive apparatus) manage to stem social and political mobilization against the power incumbents. The institutionalization of the coercive apparatus should not be considered in itself, but together with other aspects of the political institutionalization of a given regime. Some evidence is drawn from the recent cases of regime breakdown in the Middle East and North Africa.L’Autore prende in considerazione la tesi della “robustezza dell’autoritarismo” (RoA), avanzando l’argomento opposto della “debolezza dell’autoritarismo” (WoA). In base a questo argomento, i regimi autoritari risultano deboli a causa della loro bassa istituzionalizzazione, come mostrato dalla loro incapacità di trasmettere il potere pacificamente e regolarmente. I regimi autoritari sono, quindi, per definizione prossimi al crollo e deboli. La loro sopravvivenza può essere assicurata da alcuni fattori del regime (un partito politico, una burocrazia penetrata da una elite dominante, un apparato di coercizione leale ed efficiente) che riescano a canalizzare la mobilitazione politica contro i detentori del potere. L’istituzionalizzazione dell’apparato di coercizione, pertanto, dovrebbe essere considerato in congiunzione con altri aspetti dell’istituzionalizzazione politica di un dato regime. Alcune evidenze sono tratte dai recenti casi si crollo di regime nel Medio oriente e nel Nord Africa

Disegno e consolidamento istituzionale. Teorie e ipotesi tratte dall'esperienza dei paesi dell'Europa Orientale

Le mappe delle forme di governo delle democrazie dell'Europa Orientale sono ancora imprecise, mancando in esse molti dettagli importanti. Renderle più accurate è un'impresa per nulla agevole stante la loro scarsa strutturazione e la loro precaria accettazione da parte degli attori politici e sociali. Gli attori politici e sociali della transizione dai regimi comunisti alla democrazia ripongono un'attenzione massima a come vengono distribuite formalmente tali risorse (disegno istituzionale), in quanto da questa distribuzione dipende la loro futura capacità di azione politica siano essi vincenti o perdenti nella competizione democratica. Si può perciò supporre che il disegno istituzionale sia marcatamente condizionato dalle aspettative degli attori in gioco circa i risultati della competizione politica democratica (essere vincenti piuttosto che perdenti, o viceversa), e che perciò essi punteranno su modelli costituzionali che favoriscono la distribuzione di risorse potestative più vantaggiosa stante le loro aspettative. Il lavoro intende presentare alcune questioni ancora aperte nello studio delle istituzioni politiche di vertice, nella fase del consolidamento democratico dei paesi dell’Europa Orientale

Governments in Europe (1945-2016). A Data Set

Il paper presenta un data set su 708 governi in 31 democrazie europee contemporanee, dalla fine della Seconda Guerra Mondiale ai giorni nostri. I dati sono organizzati in schede paese sintetiche, ciascuna delle quali offre informazioni di base sulla composizione dei governi, la loro durata e la causa della loro terminazione. Inoltre, ciascuna scheda paese include il calcolo di un Indice di Alternanza Governativa (GTI).The paper presents a data set based on 708 governments in 31 European contemporary democracies from the end of World War II to the present time. The data are organized in synthetic country data sheets, each of one offering basic information on the composition of the governments, their duration and the cause for their termination. Moreover, each data sheet includes the calculation of a Government Turnover Index (GTI)

Governments in Europe (1945-2013). A Data Set

The paper presents a data set based on 620 governments in 26 European contemporary democracies from the end of World War II to the present time. The data are organized in synthetic country data sheets, each of one offering basic information on the composition of the governments, their duration and the cause for their termination. Moreover, each data sheet includes the calculation of a Government Turnover Index (GTI)

Political Space and Party System in Italy (2018-2020). A Content Analysis of the Parliamentary Debates over the Investiture Speeches of two Populist Governments

The paper presents a study of the party positions in the Italian Parliament based on an inductive approach to the parliamentary debate and votes of investiture on the two governments led by G. Conte (2018-2020). Through a content analysis of the parliamentary debate on the votes of investiture of these two governments, a survey is provided of the political themes tackled by the government incumbents and by the main Italian parliamentary groups. The scope of the research is to assess the alignments of the Italian parties after the decline of the traditional left-to-right cleavage and the rise of the populist trend. Firstly, the multidimensional character of the space of competition is highlighted. The findings show, secondly, that the party alignments are affected by the interplay of the Supranational Dimension (European integration) and of the populist \u201cmood\u201d, on one hand, with the State capacity to provide services and guarantee rights, on the other. Finally, it is argued that the emergence of a multi-polar pattern of competition, and the positioning of populist parties in the alignments have hindered the reduction of the polarization of the Italian party system

Facilitating voting and electoral participation in Italy. On some possible measures to contrast involuntary and imposed abstentionism

Voter abstentionism and declining voter participation are widespread phenomena in European democracies. Recently, the decline in electoral participation has also reached alarming proportions in Italy. However, a non-negligible share of abstentionism is not due to political attitudes or protest, but simply to objective impediments to going to the polling stations. These impediments include work and study in locations other than that of residence and electoral registration, as well as illness or physical immobility. The article emphasizes the possibility of limiting this imposed or involuntary abstentionism by using postal voting, deferred voting or free voting at any polling station, and above all by introducing digital voting supported by web platforms

Europeanism within the “bounds of reason”. Reflections on the prospects of democracy and of supranational political integration

The current crisis of the EU and the “clash of nations” within it make it necessary to question the functioning of democracy and the future of the EU. Nations try to reassert themselves and, pressured by internal public opinion, the national political classes react by demanding a return to the past. Without a political center and without a community identity, can the EU overcome these recent crises