21 research outputs found
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Proposed Colombia Free Trade Agreement: Labor Issues
[Excerpt] This report examines three labor issues and arguments related to the pending U.S.-Colombia free trade agreement (CFTA): violence against trade unionists; impunity (accountability for or punishment of the perpetrators); and worker rights protections for Colombians. For general issues relating to the CFTA, see CRS Report RL34470, U.S.-Colombia Free Trade Agreement: Economic and Political Implications, by M. Angeles Villarreal. For background on Colombia and its political situation and context for the agreement, see CRS Report RL32250, Colombia: Issues for Congress, by Colleen W. Cook and Clare Ribando Seelke.
Opponents of the pending U.S.-Colombia free trade agreement (CFTA) argue against it on three points: (1) the high rate of violence against trade unionists in Colombia; (2) the lack of adequate punishment for the perpetrators of that violence; and (3) weak Colombian enforcement of International Labor Organization (ILO) core labor standards and labor laws.
Proponents of the agreement argue primarily for the proposed Colombia FTA on the basis of economic and national security benefits. Accordingly, they argue, the CFTA would: support increased exports, expand economic growth, create jobs, and open up investment opportunities for the United States. They also argue that it would reinforce the rule of law and spread values of capitalism in Colombia, and anchor hemispheric stability.
Proponents specifically respond to labor complaints of the opponents, that (1) violence against trade unionists has declined dramatically since President Álvaro Uribe took office in 2002; (2) substantial progress is being made on the impunity issue as the government has undertaken great efforts to find perpetrators and bring them to justice; and (3) the Colombian government is taking steps to improve conditions for workers.
If Congress were to approve the Colombia FTA, it would be the second FTA (after Peru) to have some labor enforcement “teeth.” Labor provisions including the four basic ILO core labor standards would be enforceable through the same dispute settlement procedures as for all other provisions (i.e., primarily those for commercial interests.) Opponents argue that under CFTA, only the concepts of core labor standards, and not the details of the ILO conventions behind them, would be enforceable.
Proponents point to recent Colombian progress in protecting workers on many fronts. They argue that approval of the FTA and the economic growth in Colombia that would result is the best way to protect Colombia’s trade unionists. They also argue that not passing the agreement would not resolve Colombia’s labor issues.
Opponents argue that delaying approval of the proposed CFTA further would give Colombia more time to keep improving protections for its workers. This report will be updated as events warrant
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The Future Role of U.S. Trade Policy: An Overview
[Excerpt] The United States has become increasingly integrated with the rest of the world economy. This integration has offered benefits and presented challenges to U.S. business, agriculture, labor, and consumers. Those who can compete in the more integrated economy have enjoyed opportunities to broaden their success, while those who are challenged by increased foreign competition have been forced to adjust and some have exited the market or relocated overseas. Some observers contend that, in order to remain globally competitive, the United States must continue to support trade liberalization policies, while assisting those hurt by trade. Others have raised doubts over whether free trade policies benefit the U.S. economy (e.g., some blame such policies for the large U.S. trade deficit, declining wages, and growing income disparity). Many contend that trade liberalization works only when everyone plays by the rules and have urged the aggressive enforcement of U.S. trade laws to address unfair trade practices. Still others maintain that such issues as labor rights, the environment, and climate change should be linked to trade policies. These competing views are often reflected in the struggle between Congress and the Executive branch in shaping U.S. trade policy. This report provides an overview and background on the debate over the future course of U.S. trade policy and will be updated as events warrant
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Navy Aircraft Carriers: Proposed Retirement of USS John F. Kennedy - Issues and Options for Congress
The Navy’s FY2006 budget proposes retiring the conventionally powered
aircraft carrier John F. Kennedy (CV-67) in FY2006 and reducing the size of the
carrier force from 12 ships to 11. The Kennedy is homeported in Mayport, FL. The
proposal would not retire any other ships or any carrier air wings. Prior to this
proposal, the Navy’s plan was to maintain a 12-carrier force and keep the Kennedy
in operation until 2018. The issue for Congress is whether to approve, reject, or
modify the proposal to retire the Kennedy and reduce the carrier force to 11 ships
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The Iran-Libya Sanctions Act (ILSA)
In August 2001, the Iran-Libya Sanctions Act (ILSA, P.L. 104-172) was renewed
for another five years (P.L. 107-24). No firms have been sanctioned under ILSA, and
ILSA has terminated with respect to Libya. In the 109th Congress, H.R. 282 and S. 333 contain provisions that would modify ILSA. This report discusses various issues including the background and passages of the ILSA and its effectiveness
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China Naval Modernization: Implications for U.S. Navy Capabilities - Background and Issues for Congress
This report focuses on the implications that certain elements of China’s military modernization may have for future required U.S. Navy capabilities. The issue for Congress addressed in this report is: How should China’s military modernization be factored into decisions about U.S. Navy programs? Congress’s decisions on this issue could significantly affect future U.S. Navy capabilities, U.S. Navy funding requirements, and the U.S. defense industrial base, including the shipbuilding industry
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Kuwait: Security, Reform, and U.S. Policy
Kuwaiti leaders peacefully resolved a succession crisis that erupted following the January 15, 2006 death of its long-ruling Amir. However, a new crisis erupted in May 2006 over the structure of the next parliamentary elections, prompting a dissolution of the existing parliament and scheduling of new elections for June 29, 2006. Women will be able to run and to vote
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Navy-Marine Corps Amphibious and Maritime Prepositioning Ship Programs: Background and Oversight Issues for Congress
As of the end of FY2004, the Navy operated 35 amphibious ships and the
Military Sealift Command operated 16 maritime prepositioning force (MPF) ships
for the Marine Corps. The Navy is currently building a new amphibious assault ship
called LHD-8 and is also procuring new LPD-17 class amphibious ships. A total of
12 LPD-17s were originally planned, but the FY2006-FY2011 Future Years Defense
Plan (FYDP) proposes reducing that figure to nine, with the final two to be procured
in FY2006 and FY2007. The FY2006-FY2011 FYDP also calls for procuring new design amphibious assault ships called LHA(R)s in FY2007 and FY2010, for starting procurement of a new type of MPF ship called the MPF(F) in FY2009, and for
starting procurement of two new types of sealift “connector” ships in FY2009 and
FY2010
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Navy DDG-1000 (DD(X)), CG(X), and LCS Ship Acquisition Programs: Oversight Issues and Options for Congress
The Navy wants to procure three new classes of surface combatants — the DDG-1000 (formerly DD(X)) destroyer, the CG(X) cruiser, and a smaller surface combatant called the Littoral Combat Ship (LCS). The Navy wants to procure 7 DDG-1000s, 19 CG(X)s, and 55 LCSs
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HIV/AIDS International Programs: Appropriations, FY2002-FY2004
This is a report on the international programs for HIV/AIDS and the budgets around it during the fiscal year 2002-2004
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U.S. Direct Investment Abroad: Trends and Current Issues
The United States is the largest investor abroad and the largest recipient of direct investment in the world. Some observers believe U.S. firms invest abroad to avoid U.S. labor unions or high U.S. wages, however, 70% of U.S. foreign direct investment is concentrated in high income developed countries. Even more striking is the fact that the share of investment going to developing countries has fallen in recent years. Most economists conclude that direct investment abroad does not lead to fewer jobs or lower incomes overall for Americans and that the majority of jobs lost among U.S. manufacturing firms over the past decade reflect a broad restructuring of U.S. manufacturing industries