The Effects of Social and Labour Market Policies of EU-countries on the Socio-Economic Integration of First and Second Generation Immigrants from Different Countries of Origin

In this article, we analyse four different dimensions of socio-economic integration of 1st and 2nd generation immigrants into the labour markets of 13 EU countries and we assess, taking into account a number of individual characteristics, the effects of the countries of origin and the countries of destination on this integration. We find that participation in the labour market, unemployment, occupational status and the chances of reaching the upper middle-class are different, although inter-related, dimensions of the socio-economic integration of immigrants and they work differently for men and women. In the countries of destination, the level of employment protection legislation and the conservative welfare regime affect this integration negatively. Most indicators of national policies aimed at the integration of immigrants have no effects on the socio-economic integration of immigrants. Furthermore, we find a number of origin effects which continue to have an impact on 2nd generation immigrants. Political stability and political freedom in origin countries have positive and negative effects on socio-economic integration. The emigration rate of the origin countries has a negative effect. The higher levels of socio-economic integration amongst immigrants from other EU-countries demonstrates the functioning of the European Union as an integrated labour market .Controlling for individual religious affiliation turns out to be very useful, since we find a number of negative effects of being a Muslim, among both men and women. While individual education is an important predictor of immigrants' labour market outcomes, our findings indicate lower returns on this education in terms of occupational status, indicating a ceiling effect for highly-educated 2nd generation immigrants who cannot translate their qualifications into high-status jobs to the same extent as their native peers.immigration, integration, labour market, European Union, social policy

Intersecting Inequalities in Education and on the Labour Market: Gender and Migration Background in Comparative Perspective

Gender and migration background have received ample attention in stratification research. Yet quantitative studies of inequality in education and on the labour market frequently examine them in isolation rather than from an intersectional perspective. I therefore ask: Do gender and migration background create additive disadvantages (the double jeopardy scenario), or do they interact to create specific inequalities faced by persons with specific combinations of characteristics (the intersectional perspective)? Results from two studies show that there is little variation in gender gaps by migration background in the domain of education across 9 countries, whereas gender gaps in labour market outcomes in Germany vary substantially across migrant groups and generations

The Effects of Social and Labour Market Policies of EU-countries on the Socio-Economic Integration of First and Second Generation Immigrants from Different Countries of Origin

In this article, we analyse four different dimensions of socio-economic integration of 1st and 2nd generation immigrants into the labour markets of 13 EU countries and we assess, taking into account a number of individual characteristics, the effects of the countries of origin and the countries of destination on this integration. We find that participation in the labour market, unemployment, occupational status and the chances of reaching the upper middle-class are different, although inter-related, dimensions of the socio-economic integration of immigrants and they work differently for men and women. In the countries of destination, the level of employment protection legislation and the conservative welfare regime affect this integration negatively. Most indicators of national policies aimed at the integration of immigrants have no effects on the socio-economic integration of immigrants. Furthermore, we find a number of origin effects which continue to have an impact on 2nd generation immigrants. Political stability and political freedom in origin countries have positive and negative effects on socio-economic integration. The emigration rate of the origin countries has a negative effect. The higher levels of socio-economic integration amongst immigrants from other EU-countries demonstrates the functioning of the European Union as an integrated labour market .Controlling for individual religious affiliation turns out to be very useful, since we find a number of negative effects of being a Muslim, among both men and women. While individual education is an important predictor of immigrants' labour market outcomes, our findings indicate lower returns on this education in terms of occupational status, indicating a ceiling effect for highly-educated 2nd generation immigrants who cannot translate their qualifications into high-status jobs to the same extent as their native peers.welfare state; employment policy; social policy; immigration policy

Identity multiplicity among the Muslim second generation in European cities: where are religious and ethnic identities compatible or conflicting with civic identities?

"Drawing on recent cross-nationally comparative survey data of the Turkish and Moroccan second generation in five European cities, this study examines the patterns of identification with ethnic, religious, national and city identities. We take a comparative perspective and analyse data from five cities (Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Antwerp, Brussels and Stockholm) that differ markedly in their policy approach to the integration of immigrants, the socio-economic position of the second generation and the political climate confronting ethnic and religious minorities. The analysis focuses on the question of how the Turkish and Moroccan second generation combines their ethnic and religious minority identities with identification with the country and city of residence. As European national identities are to a greater extent than is the case for US American national identity implicitly tied to and appropriated by the national majority group, we hypothesise that national identities will be non-inclusive of ethnic and religious identification, thus resulting in a negative correlation between Dutch/ Belgian/ Swedish identity on the one hand and Turkish/ Moroccan and Muslim identities on the other. In contrast, we expect a positive correlation with identification with the city of residence, as Europe's cities are more diverse in terms of their population composition, have a more cosmopolitan outlook and are to a lesser extent dominated by one group of the population than the nationstates in which they are located. Secondly, we hypothesise that distinct identification patterns will be related to the modes of incorporation of the second generation, such that identity compatibility (i.e., positive associations between ethnic and religious identities on the one hand and national and city identities on the other) instead of identity conflict (i.e., negative associations) will be more often found in more favourable contexts of reception." (author's abstract)"Das Paper analysiert die Identifikationsmuster der türkischen und marokkanischen zweiten Einwanderergeneration in vergleichender Perspektive auf Basis von neuen ländervergleichenden Umfragedaten in fünf europäischen Städten in drei Ländern (Amsterdam, Rotterdam, Antwerpen, Brüssel und Stockholm). Diese unterscheiden sich deutlich in ihrer Einwanderungs- und Integrationspolitik, aber auch in der sozioökonomischen Position der zweiten Generation und in dem Maß der politischen Polarisierung rundum die Themen Immigration und Integration. Daraus ergeben sich länder- und städtespezifische „modes of incorporation“, die hier in Bezug zu den Identifikationsmustern der zweiten Generation gesetzt werden. Dabei richten wir uns vor allem auf die Zusammenhänge zwischen ethnischer und religiöser Identifikation auf der einen Seite – als Identitäten die die türkische und marokkanische zweite Generation von der Mehrheitsgesellschaft unterscheiden – und nationaler (d.h., niederländischer, belgischer und schwedischer) und Städte- Identifikation (z.B. Amsterdamer) – als Identitäten die mit der Mehrheitsgesellschaft geteilt werden. Da europäische nationale Identitäten stärker als dies in den USA der Fall ist von den ethnischen und religiösen Merkmalen der Mehrheitsgesellschaft bestimmt werden und daher ethnische und religiöse Minderheiten eher ausschließen, erwarten wir einen negativen Zusammenhang zwischen nationaler Identifikation auf der einen, und ethnischer und religiöser Identifikation auf der anderen Seite. Im Gegensatz dazu erwarten wir positive Zusammenhänge mit der Identifikation mit der Stadt, da europäische Städte im Vergleich zu den sie umringenden Ländern Zentren ethnischer und kultureller Vielfalt sind und ihre Identität daher weniger von einer einzelnen Gruppe dominiert wird. Aus vergleichender Perspektive erwarten wir, dass die Identifikationsmuster der zweiten Generation die 'modes of incorporation' in den jeweiligen Kontexten widerspiegeln, so dass in für Einwanderer der zweiten Generation günstigeren Kontexten Identitäten eher kompatibel sind (d.h., positiv korrelieren) und sich seltener in Konflikt miteinander befinden (d.h. negativ korrelieren)." (Autorenreferat

Verschillen in groepsdiscriminatie, zoals waargenomen door immigranten uit verschillende herkomstlanden in veertien lidstaten van de Europese Unie

Drawing on the second and third wave of the European Social Survey, we analyse the perception of in-group discrimination of 7034 immigrants from 177 different countries of origin in 14 European Union countries. In addition to testing the effects of individual factors, such as education, religion, and migration history, we estimate the effects of macro-characteristics of both origin and destination countries. We distinguish four dimensions of explanations: immigration, religion, economic circymstances and immigration policies. The influence of adherence to Eastern Orthodox, Jewish and non-Christian religions on perceived in-group discrimination is significant, and can not be explained by characteristics of the origin or destination countries. The migration history of these groups is also relevant for the perceived discrimination: immigrants who are citizens of the country of their destination, who speak the majority language at home and who are married to a native perceive in-group discrimination less often. There are strong effects of the macro-characteristics of the country of origin. Immigrants from poorer origin countries perceive in-group discrimination more often. There are also a significant effects of immigration policies of the country of destination: easy access to long term residence, more relaxed rules for family reunion, no special policy or a more easy entrance to the labour-market for immigrants and a higher level of job protection decreases perceived in-group discrimination among immigrants

Verschillen in groepsdiscriminatie, zoals waargenomen door immigranten uit verschillende herkomstlanden in veertien lidstaten van de Europese Unie

Drawing on the second and third wave of the European Social Survey, we analyse the perception of in-group discrimination of 7034 immigrants from 177 different countries of origin in 14 European Union countries. In addition to testing the effects of individual factors, such as education, religion, and migration history, we estimate the effects of macro-characteristics of both origin and destination countries. We distinguish four dimensions of explanations: immigration, religion, economic circymstances and immigration policies. The influence of adherence to Eastern Orthodox, Jewish and non-Christian religions on perceived in-group discrimination is significant, and can not be explained by characteristics of the origin or destination countries. The migration history of these groups is also relevant for the perceived discrimination: immigrants who are citizens of the country of their destination, who speak the majority language at home and who are married to a native perceive in-group discrimination less often. There are strong effects of the macro-characteristics of the country of origin. Immigrants from poorer origin countries perceive in-group discrimination more often. There are also a significant effects of immigration policies of the country of destination: easy access to long term residence, more relaxed rules for family reunion, no special policy or a more easy entrance to the labour-market for immigrants and a higher level of job protection decreases perceived in-group discrimination among immigrants

Majority acceptance vs. rejection of ‘being both’ facilitates immigrants’ bicultural identity blendedness and positive affect

Ethnic minority members experience varying levels of conflict and blendedness between their ethnic and national identities, with important implications for psychosocial adjustment. To examine the critical role of intergroup contexts, we manipulated whether “being both” was accepted vs. rejected by either the majority population or fellow minority members in a survey experiment among Dutch ethnic minority members (N=820)., We subsequently measured Bicultural Identity Integration and Positive and Negative Affect. Identity conflict and negative affect were unaffected, but participants experienced more blendedness and more positive affect when the majority agreed ratherthan disagreed, that “it is a good thing to be both”. We discuss how the findings can help to facilitatte identity integration among ethnic minority populations in diverse societies

Religion and Intergroup Boundaries: Positive and Negative Ties Among Youth in Ethnically and Religiously Diverse School Classes in Western Europe

Background: In the past decades, Western European countries have become increasingly religiously diverse; furthermore, a growing share of their population is now youth with a migration background. Little is known about the role religion plays in social ties among children of native and immigrant origins. Purpose: This study examines religious group boundaries among youth in secondary schools in England, Germany, the Netherlands, and Sweden. To this end, it describes to what extent youth’s positive and negative ties in the classroom are segregated along religious lines. Furthermore, it analyzes the role of structural opportunities and religious in-group preferences in the formation of religious boundaries in the social networks of youth. Methods: The data come from the first wave of the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Survey in Four European Countries (CILS4EU), which contains more than 18,000 adolescents (aged 14–15) in England, Germany, the Netherlands, and Sweden. First, we describe overall religious segregation in the social ties of youth by using the full survey data. Second, we test our hypotheses by analyzing the complete social networks of 5236 students in 247 classes. Results: The analysis reveals that friendships are more likely between classmates with similar religious affiliations than classmates with different religious affiliations. In particular, in terms of friendships, there is clear segregation between non-religious and Christian youth on the one hand and Muslim youth on the other. This segregation is partly driven by structural forces that constrain intergroup meeting opportunities. However, group segregation goes beyond the patterns expected from opportunities alone. The results show strong preferences for intrareligious friendships and a tendency to avoid ties between Muslim and non-Muslim youth. Conclusion and Implications: There are religious boundaries in the social relationships of youth in ethnically and religiously diverse school classes in Western Europe. In particular, social boundaries between Muslim and non-Muslim youth are the strongest. Creating opportunities for positive intergroup contact, such as the promotion of religiously diverse schools, apparently is not sufficient to avoid religious boundaries among youth. To reduce segregation along religious lines, interventions would also need to address the factors that shape youth’s preferences for intrareligious friendships

Changes in Turkish- and resettler-origin adolescents' acculturation profiles of identification: A three-year longitudinal study from Germany

Little is known on how ethnic minority adolescents develop acculturation profiles of identification (i.e., how they combine their ethnic and national identification, such as being high on both and thus rather “integrated” or high on ethnic and low on national and thus rather “separated”). In a first step, this 3-year longitudinal study classified Turkish (n = 344) and resettler-origin (n = 121) ethnic minority adolescents living in Germany (Mage = 14.2, SD = 1.54, 51.6% female) according to their levels of ethnic and national identification. Latent profile analyses identified four profiles (separated, integrated, medium-ethnic, low-ethnic) for the former and three profiles (separated, integrated, low-and-medium ethnic) for the latter group. Latent transition analyses revealed considerable instability of profile attributions over time. Integration declined among both groups and results provided no evidence that national group boundaries are more permeable for resettler-origin than for Turkish-origin adolescents. Additional analyses revealed that perceived ethnic discrimination affected the probability to be in a particular profile but did not moderate transition probabilities. Overall, results suggest that during early-to-mid adolescence it is increasingly difficult to uphold a dual identity

Political Turmoil and Attitude Change Among the Diaspora: The Impact of the 2016 Attempted Military Coup on Homeland Orientation Among Recent Turkish Immigrants in the Netherlands

This study underscores the significance of home-country events in shaping connections between diaspora and their country of origin. Focusing on immigrants from Turkey who migrated to the Netherlands in 2012/2013, our panel-study sheds light on post-migration developments concerning interest in Turkish politics and sense of identification with Turkey. Leveraging the 2016 failed military coup as a natural experiment, we apply also rally effect theory. Our findings reveal that political interest increased in the aftermath of the coup attempt and stronger so among immigrants who supported the AK-party. Conversely, identification with Turkey declined, while remaining stable among migrants identifying as Turkish majority members. This research demonstrates the importance of examining responses to home-country events, elucidating on variations observed across subgroups