Stable Marriage with Multi-Modal Preferences

We introduce a generalized version of the famous Stable Marriage problem, now based on multi-modal preference lists. The central twist herein is to allow each agent to rank its potentially matching counterparts based on more than one "evaluation mode" (e.g., more than one criterion); thus, each agent is equipped with multiple preference lists, each ranking the counterparts in a possibly different way. We introduce and study three natural concepts of stability, investigate their mutual relations and focus on computational complexity aspects with respect to computing stable matchings in these new scenarios. Mostly encountering computational hardness (NP-hardness), we can also spot few islands of tractability and make a surprising connection to the \textsc{Graph Isomorphism} problem

Multi-reference approach to the calculation of photoelectron spectra including spin-orbit coupling

X-ray photoelectron spectra provide a wealth of information on the electronic structure. The extraction of molecular details requires adequate theoretical methods, which in case of transition metal complexes has to account for effects due to the multi-configurational and spin-mixed nature of the many-electron wave function. Here, the Restricted Active Space Self-Consistent Field method including spin-orbit coupling is used to cope with this challenge and to calculate valence and core photoelectron spectra. The intensities are estimated within the frameworks of the Dyson orbital formalism and the sudden approximation. Thereby, we utilize an efficient computational algorithm that is based on a biorthonormal basis transformation. The approach is applied to the valence photoionization of the gas phase water molecule and to the core ionization spectrum of the $\text{[Fe(H}_2\text{O)}_6\text{]}^{2+}$ complex. The results show good agreement with the experimental data obtained in this work, whereas the sudden approximation demonstrates distinct deviations from experiments

Penelitian dan Pengembangan Material Struktur Reaktor Maju

PENELITIAN DAN PENGEMBANGAN MATERIAL STRUKTUR REAKTOR MAJU. Pengoperasian suatu pembangkit listrik tenaga nuklir secara selamat dan ekonomis sangat tergantung kepada ketersediaan material struktur yang handal. Selama umur operasi reaktor yang dewasa ini mencapai 60 tahun, material struktur terpapar temperatur yang tinggi, lingkungan korosif dan medan radiasi kuat yang terjadi akibat proses fisi. Struktur penopang bahan bakar akan memiliki umur lebih singkat dalam lingkungan demikian. Sementara itu tuntutan dalam pengembangan reaktor maju masa depan adalah temperatur operasi dan burnup yang lebih tinggi untuk meningkatkan efisiensi operasi reaktor. Material yang mampu mengatasi kondisi itu harus stabil secara dimensional dalam medan radiasi, baik dengan maupun tanpa adanya stress, serta memiliki sifat yang baik di lingkungan yang korosif. Makalah ini menelaah secara singkat litbang material struktur reaktor yang potensial digunakan dalam sistem reaktor maju, seperti baja ferritic/martensitic, baja ODS, dan keramik, termasuk sintesis baja ODS yang dikembangkan di BATAN. Selain itu dikaji pula kerusakan radiasi pada material struktur serta sintesis dan simulasi kinerja perisai radiasi menggunakan paket program MCNP5. Hasil kajian menunjukkan bahwa walaupun hasil yang ada sudah cukup baik, masih diperlukan litbang lebih lanjut guna mendapatkan material yang memenuhi kriteria yang diinginkan, baik melalui eksperimen maupun secara simulasi dan pemodelan dengan komputer

Global Conflict and Populism in a Post-9/11 World

Remarks from the Seventeenth Annual Buck Colbert Franklin Civil Rights Lectur

Coercive Assimilationism: The Perils of Muslim Women\u27s Identity Performance in the Workplace

Should employees have the legal right to “be themselves” at work? Most Americans would answer in the negative because work is a privilege, not an entitlement. But what if being oneself entails behaviors, mannerisms, and values integrally linked to the employee’s gender, race, or religion? And what if the basis for the employer’s workplace rules and professionalism standards rely on negative racial, ethnic or gender stereotypes that disparately impact some employees over others? Currently, Title VII fails to take into account such forms of second-generation discrimination, thereby limiting statutory protections to phenotypical or morphological bases. Drawing on social psychology and antidiscrimination literature, this Article argues that in order for courts to keep up with discrimination they should expansively interpret Title VII to address identity-based discrimination rooted in negative implicit stereotypes of low status groups. In doing so, the Article brings to the forefront Muslim women’s identity performance at the intersection of religion, race, gender, and ethnicity—a topic marginalized in the performativity literature. I argue that Muslim female employees at the intersection of conflicting stereotypes and contradictory identity performance pressures associated with gender, race, and religion are caught in a triple bind that leaves them worse off irrespective of their efforts to accommodate or reject coercive assimilationism at work

Egypt\u27s Protracted Revolution

Although the current political landscape differs from the day preceding the January 25 revolution, Egypt appears to suffer from a familiar syndrome: for every step taken towards meaningful reform, it falls back two steps due to entrenched counter- revolutionary forces. This began the moment the military took control of the executive branch on February 11, 2011 only to unilaterally replace the 1971 constitution with its own interim Constitutional Declaration on March 30, 2011. This dubious document unilaterally imposed by SCAF barely holds Egypt together as the country faces one legal crisis after another. Even when Parliament existed, the Constitutional Declaration did not clarify parliament\u27s governing authority viz-a-viz the executive branch. Article 141 of the provisional constitution grants the President the power to appoint the Prime Minister from within the ranks of the political party holding the most political party holding the most parliamentary seats. However, this article also allows the President to sack the Prime Minister from office without parliament\u27s approval. Article 76 of the Interim Constitutional Declaration does not permit appeals of rulings by the presidential elections commission on election disputes, jeopardizing the legitimacy of the presidential elections as those alleging fraud and voting irregularities are denied a neutral and impartial review. Just as problematic is the SCAF\u27s removal of the 64-member parliamentary quota for women, thereby decreasing female representation in the People\u27s Assembly from 12 percent (64 members)to less than two percent (12 members, three of which were appointed by the SCARF). Finally, the same police and internal security forces that abused tens of thousands of Egyptians during the revolution remain intact eighteen months later. These legal shortcomings, among others, contribute to a continued sense of instability among a majority Egyptians. Ironically, it is the same instability initiated by remnants of the Mubarak regime that bootstraps them back into political office. Former Prime Minister Ahmend Shafiq\u27s victory in the first round of presidential elections was due to a populace disappointed in the revolutionaries who they deemed incapable of delivering the goals of the revolutistability, dignity, and prosperity. Indeed, Shafiq\u27s campaign motto promised to bring back the stability that allegedly self-indulgent and rabble-rousing revolutionaries elimitated at the expense of ordinary Egyptians. In addition,Shafiq\u27s viability as a candidate was a result of the quick remobilization of the National Democratic Party (NDP) leadership. The NDP had lay tactically dormant in the first twelve months of the revolution only to later re-emerge and prove correct fears the Mubarak-era political apparatus is far from eliminated. Thus, whatever progress achieved by reformers since Mubarak\u27s overthrow is quickly being underminded by counter-revolutionaries and the military. Against this political backdrop, this essay argues Egypt is still in the midst of a revolution and has yet to enter the post-revolutionary phase of nation-building. The essay starts by providing a brief summary of the political context of the post-Mubarak transition. Central to understanding the context is identifying the key political actors and their roles in the ongoing struggle to reshape Egypt\u27s political landscape. Finally, this essay highlights the importance of the rule of law to steer Egypt through an inevitably turbulent phase at this historic juncture. In many ways, the heated contestation for power is a healthy indicator of Egyptians\u27 investment in their nation in stark contrast to the pre-revolution sense of hopeless complacency. But such contestations can be politically debilitating if they are not constrained by laws that ensure a fair and level playing field among the various political actors, allow the citizenry to hold elected officials accountable for failing to improve the economy, and guarantee one--not even a President, as evidenced by the recent trial of Mubarak--is above the law. Without rule of law, however, the citizenry will again disengage from the political system as it discovers its votes and voices are irrelevant to the broader power struggle between the military and Muslim Brotherhood

A Muslim Registry: The Precursor to Internment?

Being political scapegoats in the indefinite “war on terror” is the new normal for Muslims in America. With each federal election cycle or terrorist attack in a Western country comes a spike in islamophobia. Candidates peddle tropes of Muslims as terrorists in campaign materials and political speeches to solicit votes. Government officials call for bold measures—extreme vetting, categorical bans, and mass deportations—to regulate and exclude Muslim bodies from U.S. soil. The racial subtext is that Muslims in the United States are outsiders who do not belong to the political community. A case in point is the “Muslim ban” issued by the Trump administration in 2017. As the ban dominated public debate and litigation, another racialized counterterrorism policy lurked in the backdrop: a Muslim registry. This Article explores the political and legal plausibility of a de jure or de facto Muslim registry. Analyzing separately the case of nonimmigrants, immigrants, and U.S. citizens, the Article concludes that proponents of a nonimmigrant special registration program based on national origin will find support in the law. A registry of immigrants is also possible, though much will depend on whether courts will look to the islamophobic political environment arising from Trump and his advisor’s anti-Muslim statements to apply strict scrutiny; or whether courts will accept facially neutral national security justifications to apply the rational basis test that nearly guarantees the government’s victory. In contrast, a registry of U.S. citizen Muslims is unlikely to pass constitutional muster, as is a special registration program explicitly based on religion. Separate from the dignitary harms and privacy concerns arising from a Muslim registry are threats to the liberty of millions of people in America. A Muslim registry could very well be the precursor to mass internment should another major terrorist attack occur on U.S. soil. For that reason alone, proponents of civil rights and liberties should be prepared to oppose what is no longer unimaginable