The evolution of norms in international relations: Intervention and the principle of non-intervention in intra-African affairs.

This thesis is about the co-evolution of non-interventionist norms and interventionist practice among African states in the post-colonial era. To understand this co-evolution, this study begins from the year 1957, when the first post-colonial state emerged, and is divided into three phases: the early post-colonial period (1957-1970), the post-independence period (1970-mid 1980), and the post-Cold War period (1990-April 1998). Each phase looks at examples of African involvement in internal disputes to consider how the practice of intervention has evolved alongside the clause of non-intervention in Article 3(2) of the Charter of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU). The cases studied illustrate the view that African leaders, to justify intervening in internal disputes, have often cited two persistent and recurrent themes: "African exclusivity" (often defined as "African solutions for African problems") and "African Unity" (often called "solidarity"). These however are not the only themes that explicate how intervention has evolved in African affairs. There are complex regional political realities and sensitivities and factors such as the problem of regional instability posed by internal disputes, the spread of arms and the overflow of refugees into neighbouring countries that impinge on the thinking of intervention and non-intervention. While there is an apparent contradiction between non-interventionist norms and interventionist practice in the history under investigation, the thesis concludes that instead, it represents a careful and pragmatic balance of coping with short-term contingencies (through intervention) and longer-term security (through strengthening the norm) without undermining the undoubted interest of African leaders to secure non-interventionist norms for Africa

Africa's Global Impact

Summaries International attention was directed to several African conflicts during 2000. Most notable were the wars in Sierra Leone, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and between Ethiopia and Eritrea. What became apparent was Africa's impact on global security concerns. This article focuses on key issues of global security through the lens of several African conflicts, including the economic dimensions of civil wars and peacekeeping in the midst of conflicts. It argues that African conflicts are instrumental in forcing outsiders to rethink various strategies to tackle conflicts. But what does this mean in terms of international response to crises on the continent? Will the outcome mean coherent and well thought?out policies, or a more ad hoc response as witnessed in the 1990s? Despite the international ramifications of African conflicts, concrete policy agendas for the continent are not forthcoming. Africa's security in the twenty?first century will be determined largely within Africa. But this should not be seen in a negative sense. African leaders need to demonstrate their commitment to finding peaceful solutions to conflicts on the continent. The history of externally?driven solutions and poorly?resourced peacekeeping initiatives has often hurt rather than helped African conflicts

Pragmatic and promiscuous: explaining the rise of competitive political militias across Africa

Across African states, militias have become one of the main agents of political violence, accounting for a third of all recent conflict. Militia violence is attributed to cultural reactions to disorder, failing and predatory states, and local cleavages which emerge during civil wars. However, activity largely occurs in democratizing states without civil wars. This article presents a typology of militias based on their local roles and actions and an explanation for the prevalence of “competition militias.” Changes in macro politics ushered in a new era of conflict and fragmentation among political elites; militias operate as private armies for these elites. The goal of this violence is to alter the political landscape, increase power for patrons, protect supportive communities, and hinder opponents. Incentives within African democratic institutions reward the use of force by elites. As a result, African democracies, and states transitioning into democracy, are not likely to be internally peaceful. Furthermore, the dominant type of conflict across African states shifts to accommodate the goals of violent agents within modern political contexts