Introduction: Gender Knowledge: Epistemological and Empirical Contributions from the Global South

Women’s and gender studies are now accepted academic subjects in many Global South countries, whether the field is well established—even institutionalized—or still emerging. However, this phenomenon is under-studied, even though the history, ideas, and key concepts of women’s, feminist, and gender studies are becoming well documented in Europe and America (Lagrave; Brown; Bard; Clair and Heinen). This special edition therefore aims to shed light on knowledge production about women and gender in and by Southern countries, and not about these countries, as is often the case. On the one hand, this edition brings out the local, regional and global dynamics of gender knowledge production and circulation and, on the other hand, it focuses on the content of this knowledge and highlights its specificities (or lack thereof) at the theoretical and epistemological levels. Bringing together Northern and Southern feminist researchers, both junior and senior, offers an empirical and decentered analysis of gender knowledge production “from the margins” (hooks)

Editorial: African women's struggles in a gender perspective

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Carrières de leaders associatives sénégalaises : dispositions biographiques, logiques d’affranchissement et entreprises militantes

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Women’s movements in Africa. Senegalese mother fighting against illegal migration

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Forum social mondial 2011. La cause des migrants débattue à Dakar

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« Who are African politicians ? »

International audienceSince the 1990s, the African continent has been marked by major changes such as economic reforms or democratization. But we still know very little about male and female politicians who have succeeded the leaders of independence. Available data and researches are uneven across parts of the African continent. This panel aims to identify who are the current African politicians. It will focus on elected and partisan political figures (members of council, parliament, government or party) from any African country. Three points will be given priority:- First, we expect proposals analysing the socio-biographical characteristics of African politicians, and its evolution. Studies based on quantitative methods or on prosopography will offer data on the profile of former or current politicians (i.e. gender, age, marital status, degrees, profession, activism, partisan affiliation, family background etc.). Did literate male elites of independence disappear in favour of other categories of population (such as women, traders,slaves or religious)? Is there prevailing political figures across times? Under which conditions some changes have occured?- Secondly, we will focus on political careers. How do politicians enter politics, and carve out a career? Are they based on individual or collective (family, party-delegated, etc.), national or international capital? Are they professional politicians?- Finally, we will debate methodological issues. How to do research on African political staff?What sources are available? How to analyse some public and private writings (official publishing, biographies, memoirs, etc.)? What obstacles do researchers face to produce statistics, or prosopography

La couverture médiatique du Collectif des femmes de Thiaroye-sur-Mer (Dakar- Sénégal) : l’icône de la « mère courage », une mise en abîme du discours produit au Nord sur la migration du Sud

International audienceCet article se propose à partir d’une revue de presse internationale d’examiner les causes du succès médiatique du Collectif des femmes pour la lutte contre l’immigration clandestine de Thiaroye-sur-Mer, mais également de définir la nature du contenu médiatique dont il a fait l’objet. L’analyse sémantique du traitement médiatique est révélatrice d’une écriture journalistique homogénéisante et stéréotypée à propos des femmes africaines et de la migration. Les femmes de Thiaroye sont ainsi dépeintes sous le prisme d’une figure genrée, la « mère courage », à mi-chemin entre la victime, la coupable et la pasionaria. Les migrants clandestins, quant à eux, qualifiés d’ « aventuriers » ou de « miséreux » sont abordés sous le double registre de l’assentiment et de la réprobation morale

"Couscous and meetings against illegal emigration" : mobilize without protest in Senegal

La thèse s'attache à restituer les technologies de réparation du malheur social et de représentation des griefs au Sénégal. Elle démontre que la contestation, la mobilisation et la protestation ne s'équivalent pas toujours et plaide pour que leurs frontières analytiques soient précisées. S'appuyant sur les critiques du tournant culturel et celles des études féministes adressées aux théories de l'action collective, la thèse souligne les postulats et les points aveugles du concept de mouvement social. Historiquement situé, ce concept ne permet pas de saisir certaines des formes d'action collective sur des terrains non-occidentaux. A partir d'une enquête qualitative et quantitative menée, entre 2007 et 2012, principalement auprès d'une association de mères de migrants, la thèse montre qu'il existe, au Sénégal, une option qui consiste à mobiliser sans protester. Cette expression signifie que des acteurs sociaux peuvent employer un répertoire organisationnel hybride (association revendicative, self-help, mutuelle d'épargne, coopérative de travail) - qui vise autant l'État qu'il s'en dispense - ainsi que des modes d'action non-confrontatifs aux autorités publiques (témoignages dans les médias, participation à des meetings politiques ou conférences internationales). Sans recourir à l'action protestataire, les discours et les pratiques de ces mobilisations non-protestataires n'en sont pas moins politisées. La thèse montre en particulier comment le monde de l'aide et du développement s'est saisi de techniques genrées et d'entrepreneures de mobilisation propres au champ politique sénégalais afin de mener ses propres missions.The thesis focuses on the technologies of solving social problems and of expressing grievance in Senegal. lt demonstrates that dissent, mobilization and protest are not always equivalent and argues for their analytical boundaries to be specified. Drawing on criticisms of the cultural turn and those of feminist studies addressed to the theories of collective action, the thesis stresses the postulates and blind spots of the concept of social movement. Historically located, this concept does not capture some of the forms of mobilization on non-Western areas. Based on a qualitative and quantitative survey, carried out between 2007 and 2012, mainly of an association of migrants' mothers, the thesis shows that in Senegal there is an option that may consist of mobilizing without protest. This expression means that social actors can use a hybrid organizational repertoire (advocacy association, self-help, mutual savings, work cooperative) - which targets the State as much as it does not - as well as modes of non-confrontational action to public authorities (testimonies in the media, participation in political meetings or international conferences). Without resorting to protest action, the discourses and practices of these non-protest mobilizations are nonetheless politicized. The thesis shows in particular how the industry of aid has seized gendered techniques of mobilization and entrepreneurs specific to the Senegalese political field in order to carry out its own missions