40 research outputs found
Sur la sémantique des relatives infinitives
(Les critĂšres syntaxiques ainsi que les exemples sont tirĂ©s Ă Huettner et al. 1987 sauf mentions explicites.) Rationale clauses: fille de S (i.e. adjointes Ă la proposition). Purpose Clauses: fille de VP (i.e. adjointes au verbe). Infinitival Relatives: fille de NP (i.e. adjointes au nom). Olga NP carries V a hatpin NP VP S1 To protect herself S2 S1 To protect herself S2 Olga NP carries V a hatpin NP VP S1 S1 I NP bought V the shelf NP V' to hold my cookbook S2 VP S1 I NP need V something N to eat S2 NP VP S1 Lionel Dufaye â UniversitĂ© Paris Est-LISAA EA 4120 Simonin 2007 opĂšre une distinction sur des critĂšres au moins autant sĂ©mantiques que syntaxiques, dont les deux grandes catĂ©gories sont :-les « PRI » (=Infinitival Relatives)-les « CEBs » ou « Circonstancielles Elliptiques de But » (=Purpose). NB : Une traduction possible de Rationale Clause et Purpose Clause pourrait ĂȘtre « circonstancielle de but » et « circonstancielle de fonction ». Simonin en rappelle « un important potentiel de chevauchement entre PRIs et CEBs » (Simonin: 25), ce qui est une des difficultĂ©s de cette tri-distinction. Huettner et al. mentionnent une proximitĂ© distributionnelle entre les PRI et les infinitives finies: Like tense relatives, they are daughters of NP. (209) Pour autant, on trouve Ă©galement des relatives finies avec comme antĂ©cĂ©dent non seulement des NP mais aussi des VP ou des S: She swan across the channel, which is 20 miles wide. She swan across the channel, which no-one had ever done before. She swan across the channel, which you probably already know. Autrement dit, cet argument distingue plus les infinitives entre elles, que les relatives infinitives et les relatives finies. L'autre argument sur lequel repose la diffĂ©rence entre les 3 types d'infinitive est leurs propriĂ©tĂ©s liĂ©es au gapping. Purpose Clauses:-Effacement obligatoire d'au moins un argument: I brought it (= in order) for you to see it. = rationale clause I brought it (*in order) for you to see __. = purpose clause-Autorisent deux effacements : sujet et/ou l'objet: I bought the shelf ___ to hold my cookbooks. I bought the cookies for Mary to eat ___ I bought the cushion for Mary to sit on ___-L'effacement est par dĂ©faut co-rĂ©fĂ©rentiel avec l'objet : Amy Lou took Mildred to the zoo ____ to feed the lions
Analyse des emplois non locatifs de BY
This article deals with the non-locative uses (be they spatial and temporal) of the preposition by. The first part is dedicated to the study of âqualifying valuesâ â i.e. any context where the by-PP qualifies either a distance or a relationship between two entities (e.g. I paid by checkâŠ, I did it step by stepâŠ). The second part deals with by in (so-called) âagent phrasesâ in passives. This paper sets out to propose a unified explanation for both qualifying and passive uses. The working hypothesis assumes that by carries a differential value which qualifies a distance between two reference points. The values differ depending on the nature of the interval, which can be a route (I came here by bus), a gradual process (it grew hotter by the minute), a concurring process (I know some good music to cook by), any form of counter-expectation (I was late by 10 days), a change of state (as in passives)... In any case, by expresses discontinuity within a path-connected domain
A TOE na formação dos pesquisadores em linguĂstica enunciativa
International audienceO presente artigo oferece uma reflexĂŁo sobre a teoria das operaçÔes enunciativas de Antoine Culioli como ferramenta de anĂĄlise linguĂstica voltada para os estudantes. Tentaremos sublinhar tanto as vantagens como as dificuldades acarretadas pelo uso desse quadro teĂłrico no Ăąmbito da formação dos pesquisadores em linguĂstica
Introduction
Ce deuxiĂšme numĂ©ro de la revue en ligne Arts et Savoirs propose un recueil de dix-huit articles faisant suite aux communications prĂ©sentĂ©es lors du colloque international de linguistique Les ThĂ©ories de lâĂ©nonciation : Benveniste aprĂšs un demi-siĂšcle, qui sâest tenu Ă lâUniversitĂ© Paris-Est Marne-la-VallĂ©e les 24 et 25 novembre 2011, avec le concours de trois Ă©quipes du PRES UniversitĂ© Paris Est : le LISAA (EA 4120), le CĂ©ditec (EA 3119), et IMAGER (EA3958). LâidĂ©e de ce colloque a germĂ© Ă la..
This Is Like So Totally The Best Movie Ever!: Les adverbes SO et TOTALLY en teenspeak
OBJET DâETUDE : Cette communication a pour objet dâĂ©tude les marqueurs so et totally employĂ©s comme des marqueurs de haut degrĂ© en anglais contemporain, dans des Ă©noncĂ©s tels que :1. - You guys should like, so totally come.- Thatâs so not going to happen.- Great. Youâre so on the list.2. Heâs totally dating a high schooler.3. Sâright. This guy at work was like "Steve, do you know anyone in a band?" and I was like âIâm in a bandâ and he was like âYouâre in a band?â and I was like âYeah Iâm totally in a bandâPROBLEMATIQUE : Lâobjet de ce travail consistera Ă comprendre ce que reprĂ©sente lâexpression dâun haut degrĂ© avec des notions a priori non gradables telles que /be in a band/, /be on the list/, /date a highschooler/. Aussi, aprĂšs une prise en compte de diffĂ©rentes propriĂ©tĂ©s distributionnelles et prosodiques, on portera une attention particuliĂšre aux cas oĂč so et totally interviennent sur des prĂ©dicats non gradables. Lâautre aspect de la problĂ©matique cherchera Ă rendre compte de la spĂ©cificitĂ© de ces deux marqueurs, qui agissent apparemment Ă des niveaux diffĂ©rents puisquâils peuvent ĂȘtre cooccurrents, mais non permutables :I have so totally arrived, and my friends and I are going to rock this place.*I have totally so arrived, and my friends and I are going to rock this place.HYPOTHESE : LââhypothĂšse sur laquelle reposera cette analyse consiste Ă considĂ©rer que le so (dit Drama SO : Irwin 2011, Gen X SO : Zwicky 2006, Speech act SO : Potts 2004), est la trace dâune intensitĂ© relationnelle entre le contenu modalisĂ© et une variable contextuelle. A lâinverse totally exprime un haut degrĂ© quant Ă lâexpression du contenu lui-mĂȘme. LâhypothĂšse reste ainsi en accord avec le fait que so peut apparaitre dans des constructions corrĂ©latives impliquant un comparant :Nothing is so beautiful as spring.*Nothing is totally beautiful as spring.I was so scared that my whole body shook*I was totally scared that my whole body shookAlors que seul totally peut se rĂ©aliser seul en Ă©cho dâun propos :-Hey, we watching the game at my place tonight?-Yeah. Totally.-Yeah. *So.On dĂ©fendra lâidĂ©e que totally exprime intensitĂ© sans altĂ©ritĂ© de point de vue, câest-Ă -dire stable de sujet Ă sujet. A lâinverse SO sera apprĂ©hendĂ© comme un marqueur dâintensitĂ© vĂ©hiculant une altĂ©ritĂ© de point de vue, se prĂ©sentant ainsi comme la trace dâune qualification subjective
OVER ou un traitement comparé de la « polysémie » en énonciation et en cognition
International audienceThis article undertakes a contrastive study of polysemy by comparing two recent analyses of over, in a cognitive framework and in an enunciative framework. The first part presents a critical reading of Evans & Tyler 2001, in which polysemy is regarded as a grid of connected values stemming from a so-called "protoscene" which corresponds to a primitive spatial scenario. The second part offers a critical overview Gilbert 2003, in which over is analyzed as a combination of formal operations that do not imply any spatial primitives. These enunciative operations are based on predefined concepts that can be applied to the study of any other linguistic markers. Yet, this article will argue that the outright rejection of spatial dimensions in the enunciative approach makes it difficult to account for basic locative values. As a consequence, the third part explores the possibility of providing a theoretical gateway â possibly through the use of topology - to analyze spatial as well as other uses by means of formal operations only.Cet article propose une analyse comparĂ©e du traitement de la polysĂ©mie dans une optique cognitive et dans une optique Ă©nonciative. Prenant pour illustration de rĂ©fĂ©rence le marqueur over, la premiĂšre partie propose un rĂ©sumĂ© commentĂ© de lâarticle dâEvans et Tyler 2001, dans lequel la polysĂ©mie est apprĂ©hendĂ©e comme un Ă©clatement ramifiĂ© Ă partir dâune « protoscĂšne », qui correspond Ă un scĂ©nario spatial. La seconde partie sâintĂ©ressera Ă lâapproche de over dans lâarticle de Gilbert 2003, qui, Ă lâinverse, opte pour une analyse Ă partir dâopĂ©rations formelles, qui ne reposent pas sur une hypothĂšse spatialiste, et qui mettent en jeu des concepts thĂ©oriques prĂ©dĂ©finis et rĂ©-applicables Ă tout autre type de marqueurs. Soulignant les consĂ©quences quâimplique ce rejet radical du spatial, la troisiĂšme partie engage une rĂ©flexion sur une Ă©ventuelle complĂ©mentaritĂ© thĂ©orique qui permettrait, notamment par la prise en compte dâune topologie, de rendre compte des spĂ©cificitĂ©s spatiales non rĂ©solues dans Gilbert 2003, tout en se reposant sur des concepts formels prĂ©dĂ©finis
CAN avec les verbes de perception
International audienceThe use of CAN with verbs of sensory perception has been well researched over the past decades (Lakoff, 1972, Coates 1983, Larreya 1984, Gilbert 1987, Palmer 1987âŠ), and yet the way one should interpret the semantic contribution of CAN in such contexts is not without some controversies. Chief of which is probably the dispute over whether this use of CAN is subject-oriented or object-oriented. Our contribution to this debate is twofold. Firstly, we consider that the entire subject-oriented versus object-oriented discussion is wrongly framed; our hypothesis is that the use of CAN is not object-oriented per se but rather it backgrounds the perceiving subject, hence giving prominence to the percept (i.e. the object). Secondly, we will test our hypothesis by observing translations of this modality into French; this comparison will reveal that the data provided by our corpus matches the theory relatively well in the sense that in a large number of cases the (backgrounded) perceiving subject is simply omitted in the translation
WH-Â : Fin de parcoursÂ
A number of linguistic markers have been more or less identified as âscanningâ operators: ever, any, interrogation . . . In this article, I argue that for some of them â namely the French adverb bien and the English morpheme wh- â this association in inappropriate and should be questioned. I will actually try to show that the scanning operation that they purportedly represent is actually attributable to other contextual markers. This demonstration will be based on Antoine Culioliâs analyses, which should help us put forward a more precise definition of the scanning operation
Sur les représentations linguistiques de la temporalité
International audienceAbstractTime is often represented by a left-to-right arrow that symbolizes the chronological unfolding of events. However consistent that orientation may be with intuition â probably because it parallels the western writing mode â it also has obvious incompatibilities with linguistic data. Examples such as âXmas is drawing nearâ or âSummer is long goneâ indeed plead for a right-to-left temporal axis. Although both orientations may be apt depending on the context (deictic or narrative), this article lays emphasis on the determinant role of the point of reference and on its nature (temporal or subjective). It also tries to show that the construal of time orientation varies not only with languages but also with markers within the same context (cf. les generations suivantes vs les generations Ă venir).AbstractLe temps est gĂ©nĂ©ralement reprĂ©sentĂ© par une flĂšche orientĂ©e vers la droite qui symbolise la chronologie Ă©vĂ©nementielle. Bien que cette orientation soit en accord avec lâintuition â probablement en raison du systĂšme dâĂ©criture occidental â elle prĂ©sente des incompatibilitĂ©s Ă©videntes avec les donnĂ©es linguistiques. Des emplois comme NoĂ«l approche ou Les beaux jours sâen vont plaident en faveur dâune orientation droite-gauche. En fait, on sait que les deux orientations sont justes en fonction du contexte (dĂ©ictique ou narratif), mais lâaccent est mis sur le rĂŽle central du point de rĂ©fĂ©rence et sur sa nature (Ă©vĂ©nementielle ou subjective). Il sâagira en outre de montrer que lâorientation de la temporalitĂ© varie non seulement de langue Ă langue mais Ă©galement de marqueur Ă marqueur au sein dâun mĂȘme contexte (cf. les generations suivantes vs les generations Ă venir)