Second-Tier Secessionism in Europe: How Has Support for Independence in Wales, Wallonia, and Galicia Changed with Increasing Claims in Scotland, Flanders, and Catalonia?

This paper examines the contemporary situation of “second-tier” secessionist movements such Wales in the UK in comparison to Scotland, Wallonia in Belgium in comparison to Flanders, as well as Galicia in Spain in comparison to Catalonia

Quebec\u27s New Push for Sovereignty: Increasing Civic Nationalism and New Parti Quebecois Strategies for the Next Provincial Election

Rights are an important facet of a democracy. One such battle for rights has been the long debate over the possible secession of Quebec, Canada’s second most populous province. Drawing on ten interviews with political elites from the Bloc Quebecois (BQ) and the Parti Quebecois (PQ), this paper investigates the sovereignty movement and their adoption of more civic based nationalist policy platforms as a means to reach out and include immigrant and minority populations. Rights plays a key role in this ongoing transition to make sure that all people in Quebec feel like they play a role in society and that an independent Quebec is not just for Quebecois de souche (Quebecers that can trace their ancestry back to France). According to the polls and their most recent by-election victory in a Liberal Party ―safe seat‖ in Kamouraska-Temiscouata, the PQ is seemingly poised to win the next provincial election and this could radically change politics in the province. Given the possibility of a PQ majority in the National Assembly in 2012 or 2013, the strategy and governance of the PQ will look very different to that of their 1994 election victory which quickly led to a referendum vote in October 1995. While a referendum was set very early during Parizeau’s premiership, a Pauline Marois government would take more time to set a referendum date. Moreover, before a possible referendum, political elites from the PQ and BQ both note that there are a range of strategies aimed at employing a set of new rights for Quebecers such as citizenship and constitutional rights that differ from the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. By implementing a new strategy and providing Quebecers with a contrasting set of rights to the rest of Canada, it is hoped that the sovereignty movement will appeal to over fifty percent of the electorate in order to obtain a successful referendum result. Therefore, this new battle for rights in Quebec will be a major part of the sovereigntist narrative in the near future and the backdrop of this argument will likely decide the future status of Quebec. This paper examines the new push for rights in Quebec along with changing demographics in the province. The sovereignty movement has responded by attempting to adopt more civic-based nationalist policy platforms in order to widen the appeal of independence. However, significant institutional constraints remain. Given this situation, the governance of Quebec and the relationship between the federal and provincial government under a PQ government will be extremely important for the future of Canada and for rights of all Canadians

Traversing Borders: Supranationalism, Public Policy and the Framing of Undocumented Immigration in the United States and the United Kingdom

This paper examines the issue of how undocumented immigration is framed by comparing case studies of the United Kingdom and the United States. The role of the media and social construction are integral to this debate and this has, in part, led to more domestic bills aimed at tackling undocumented immigration. In the United Kingdom, the issue of undocumented immigration has led to the recent drafting of a bill by Home Secretary John Reid to address the issue. This bill has only served to polarize the population and energize the far-right. In the United States, rival bills in the House of Representatives and the Senate have also attempted to deal with the issue and this too has led to polarization. The debate at the domestic level then is ineffective and other options should be explored at the supranational level. The European Union (EU) and the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) are considerably different, but each can be utilized to adequately settle the issue of undocumented immigration. The US should utilize NAFTA and create an EU-style cohesion fund to stem the flow of undocumented workers and the UK should limit mobility and then lobby the EU to fine countries whose people flood into the country. In sum, this debate has already been framed and the best way forward is to seek an amicable solution through supranational agreements rather than ineffective national publi

Adding to the Westphalian Map: Categorizing Mechanisms of National Self-determination

This paper seeks to add greater definitional rigor to categorizing the mechanisms through which separatist regions become independent. In the literature, some sporadic delineation is used; however, it is not uniform nor are the definitions widely agreed upon. It is, therefore, important to categorize different ways in which new states effectively add to the Westphalian map. Six distinct mechanisms of independence emerged in this study which were then divided into four groups. Each group helps to explain how a state breakups up and under what conditions. Decolonization, irredentism, dissolution and secession are the four major groupings of national independence found in this work which help to define and categorize separatist movements. The latter two can also be delineated further to include: removal of a territory from a state (dissolution) and secession with the assistance of the international community (secession). This finding may have implications for academicians and policymakers seeking to resolve ongoing conflicts and contentions amongst regions vying for national independence worldwide. Since the number of viable separatist movements remains, this work helps to better understand the trajectory of a given contestation and how said contestation may be resolved if independence is presented as a viable option

Compounding the Policy Platform of Independence: Nationalist Party “Diffusion” in Quebec and Flanders

The proliferation of nationalist political parties in the developed world continues to challenge the integrity of some of the world’s most stable democracies. In Canada and Belgium, both countries have experienced the challenge of nationalist parties in the province of Quebec and region of Flanders respectively. However, in both cases, there are now at least two nationalist political parties that both support the idea of independence for both Quebec and Flanders. This nationalist party “diffusion” further challenges the integrity of the Canadian and Belgian states. The Parti Quebecois has served as the main sponsor of nationalism in the province of Quebec. However, another nationalist party, Quebec solidaire, has also recently begun to win support in the National Assembly. Vlaams Belang (VB) has played a similar role in trying to obtain independence for Flanders. However, Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie (N-VA) also recently adopted the platform of independence and recently won the most votes (and seats) in the 2010 Belgian general election. This diffusion of nationalist parties has caused strains on the respective governments of Canada and Belgium respectively. In both cases this has not yet resulted in secession or the dissolution of the state, but challenges remain to the unity of both states

Chrétien and the Commonwealth: Successes and Failures in Canada’s Role as a Middle Power

Le mandat de Jean Chrétien comme premier ministre du Canada a été marqué par de nombreuses opportunités pour le Canada de poursuivre une politique internationale de « puissance moyenne », grâce à son leadership dans plusieurs institutions multilatérales. Cet article examine plus précisément la position de Chrétien au sein du Commonwealth, dans le cadre de cette stratégie internationale pour le Canada. Cette analyse montre que le gouvernement Chrétien a obtenu un certain nombre de succès notables en faisant avancer la démocratie au Nigéria, et dans son soutien à d’autres questions internationales au sein des Nations Unies, telle que la Convention d’interdiction des mines anti-personnel. Cependant, Chrétien a également enregistré un certain nombre d’échecs, notamment par son incapacité, ou ses réticences, à faire pression pour obtenir des réformes démocratiques au Zimbabwe, à empêcher le génocide au Rwanda ou les guerres civiles dans certains pays du Commonwealth.Jean Chrétien’s decade-long tenure as Canadian prime minister was marked with numerous overtures for Canada to pursue a path as a “middle power” in world affairs through leadership in multilateral institutions. Specifically, this paper investigates Chrétien’s position within the Commonwealth of Nations as part of this overarching strategy. This analysis finds that Chrétien’s government had a number of noteworthy successes in advancing Nigerian democracy, and garnering support for other international issues in the United Nations — such as the Anti-Personal Mine Ban Convention. However, Chrétien had a number of failures including an inability and unwillingness to press for meaningful reforms in Zimbabwe, stopping the genocide in Rwanda, and stopping civil wars throughout the Commonwealth

Conceptualizing Evangelical Influence in U.S. Foreign Policy: Caught between Structural Realism and Neoliberal Institutionalism

The Presidency of George W. Bush did much to spotlight the role of Evangelical Christians in the political realm. However, it is arguable that every president since Jimmy Carter has had at least some ties with evangelicalism. The first aspect of this paper is to pin down what an evangelical is. Existing literature on the subject we argue is inadequate and has led to much misunderstanding of evangelical Christians and to simplistic coding procedures in quantitative studies. Second, we narrow this paper into a specific discussion of evangelical influence in foreign policy. Over 80 percent of evangelicals supported Bush in 2000 and 2004, which gave significant evangelical influence in his foreign policies especially regarding Iraq. We note that his administration was critiqued for utilizing “selective engagement” in Iraq rather than a theoretically robust and comprehensive strategy. We also argue that the evangelical role in foreign policy begins to resemble a more overarching strategy. This foreign policy leans mainly on structural realism but also to some degree on neoliberal institutionalism. This paper presents a more holistic influence in foreign policy that will lead to a better understanding of a) what an evangelical is and b) how that relates to foreign policy

Will Belgium Dissolve? A Comparative Examination of State Dissolution in Europe

The parliamentary deadlock surrounding the 2007 Belgian election, fake news reports of dissolution and Time magazine’s discussion of a Czechoslovak style divorce, showcase how Belgium may be inching towards breakup. We argue that the case of Belgium will be more likely to follow that of dissolution, the consensual breakup of the center; rather than go through a divisive secession, the removal of a territory on the periphery. This differentiates the Belgian case from other contemporary peaceful separatist movements like Quebec, Catalonia and others which may make it more susceptible to breakup. Moreover, we argue that based on Hancock (1998), sufficient political and economic changes could exacerbate tensions such that dissolution becomes increasingly inevitable in the future. We show how the case of Belgium will likely be similar to that of Czechoslovakia in 1993 as well as providing lessons from the breakups of personal unions such as Norway-Sweden in 1905 and Serbia-Montenegro in 2006. In sum, we argue that Belgium will not easily dissolve and that while dissolution is quite possible, it is not yet probable. This study, therefore, presents some interesting theoretical lessons for dissolution, how it occurs and how mature democracies face very real challenges with state breakup

The Political Affiliation Demographics of the Student Body

There is little question that higher education within the United States is largely perceived as a liberal organ. Indeed, within both the professorate and the student body, the liberal demographic has maintained a steady and often dramatic majority. A modest liberalization effect has been found among students across the nation, and those within the social sciences have exhibited greater-than-average liberal-to-conservative ratios. Stemming from both stereotypes and general data, many politically conservative affiliates have trumpeted their political ideologues as the alienated, maligned, and even persecuted minority. From accusations of liberal indoctrination to the dismissal of opposing views, many conservatives have heatedly spoken against the nationwide institution of higher learning. Naturally, like-individuals associate with one another, and quite predictably, collegiate learning has revealed an at times compact conservative minority within specific colleges and universities, even to the point of reaching a prominent majority within these few institutions. It was hypothesized that Cedarville University, consistent with data from 2004, would reveal a strong conservative majority. While results upon polling were relatively consistent with this hypothesis, the demographic spread was unexpectedly consistent with results revealed in the 2004 original study. Moreover, the recent data revealed several statistically significant trends that prompted multiple hypotheses. A biannual survey is encouraged for future research in order to comprehensively examine the political affiliation trends of a unique student body