\u3ci\u3eManepa\u3c/i\u3e in Ladakh: The Revival of a Religious Tradition

Among Buddhist religious specialists in Ladakh, there were until recently people called manepa, the Ladakhi pronunciation of the Tibetan word manipa, literally ‘the one [who recites] mani’. In the western Himalayas the repertoire of these non-monastic practitioners not only contains the famous mantra dedicated to the Great Compassion Bodhisattva Chenrezi (Skt. Avalokiteśvara), but also dozens of biographies which imply liberation in the Buddhist sense of the word and which praise the victory of Dharma over heretics. The Masters of the mani mantra are tantrists who regard the fourteenth-century Tibetan saint Thangtong Gyalpo as their founding preceptor. Among other skills, they perpetuate a fascinating ritual known as pho ba rdo gcog (or rdo gshag), ‘breaking a stone [placed] on the stomach’, which is believed to have been performed for the first time by this great yogi to ward off evil and to avert misfortune. Though the manepa tradition is still alive in the Pin valley in Spiti, where these religious specialists are called buchen (literally ‘great son’), it died out a few decades ago in Ladakh when the last representatives of the two existing manepa lineages passed away without an heir to carry on the family tradition. Recently, however, Tsewang Dorje, the grandson of one of them, decided to revive the tradition. In this article, I trace his life story and, more broadly, the barely known history of the manepa of Ladakh

Transformation Processes In Nomadic Pastoralism In Ladakh

Transformation Processes In Nomadic Pastoralism In Ladakh Today, Ladakh, a region of Jammu and Kashmir, the northernmost state of India, is home to only 1,200 nomadic pastoralists, representing less than 0,5 per cent of the total population. Three distinct communities – Kharnak, Rupshu (or Samad) and Korzok – live near each other, but own their own territory. Changes have always occurred, but over recent decades, they have been particularly dramatic and fast moving. Our aim in this paper is to briefly outline the history of nomadic pastoralism in Ladakh, and then to examine in more depth the transformation processes which have taken place over the last fifty or sixty years, taking as a case-study the nomadic community of Kharnak where I have been working for the past 20 years

The epic of a photograph

International audienceA full page in the French daily France-Soir on November 9, 1940 announced the death of Louis Liotard with the wo rds, "Tombé au champ de I'aventure" [lit. : fallen in th e field of adventure]. Liotard was a young explorer who had been killed by the bullets of Tibetan bandits, two months earlier. He was killed on a 4950 m high pass, located at 32°2 north and 100°24 east, in the countr y of the Go-log (mgo log), the famous "rebels" living in north-eastem Tibet at the bend of the Yellow River

Manepa in Ladakh

Among Buddhist religious specialists in Ladakh, there were until recently people called manepa, the Ladakhi pronunciation of the Tibetan word manipa, literally ‘the one [who recites] mani’. In the western Himalayas the repertoire of these non-monastic practitioners not only contains the famous mantra dedicated to the Great Compassion Bodhisattva Chenrezi (Skt. Avalokiteśvara), but also dozens of biographies which imply liberation in the Buddhist sense of the word and which praise the victory of Dharma over heretics. The Masters of the mani mantra are tantrists who regard the fourteenth-century Tibetan saint Thangtong Gyalpo as their founding preceptor. Among other skills, they perpetuate a fascinating ritual known as pho ba rdo gcog (or rdo gshag), ‘breaking a stone [placed] on the stomach’, which is believed to have been performed for the first time by this great yogi to ward off evil and to avert misfortune. Though the manepa tradition is still alive in the Pin valley in Spiti, where these religious specialists are called buchen (literally ‘great son’), it died out a few decades ago in Ladakh when the last representatives of the two existing manepa lineages passed away without an heir to carry on the family tradition. Recently, however, Tsewang Dorje, the grandson of one of them, decided to revive the tradition. In this article, I trace his life story and, more broadly, the barely known history of the manepa of Ladakh

Compte rendu de : Ladakhi histories : Local and regional perspectives

In EBHR, n°29-30This volume illustrates the plurality of approaches to studying history and current research in the making. It compiles contributions – very different in length and in style – from researchers from a variety of disciplines: linguistics, tibetology, anthropology, history, art and archaeology. Their sources include linguistics, archaeological and artistical evidence; Tibetan chronicles, Persian biographies and European travel accounts; government records and private correspondence, land titles and trade receipts; oral tradition and reminiscence of survivors' recollections. The majority of the papers were first presented at the International Association of Ladakh Studies (IALS) conferences held in 1999, 2001 and 2003, and these have been supplemented by a few additional contributions. I neither have sufficient knowledge nor the space to discuss each of these papers at length or adequately, I will rather summarize the content of the book as a whole

Photographic archives in Paris and London

International audienc

The Seven Rongtsan Brothers in Ladakh

Called “local gods” (yul lha), the Seven Rongtsan brothers are found in different places all over Ladakh, but always linked in some way to royal estates. Every year, on fixed festival days, they manifest themselves through a medium—a layman or a monk—in an outdoor séance. They offer advice and deliver prophecies about calamities, weather and the forthcoming harvest. This paper examines the various accounts related to their introduction to Ladakh, and gives a description of each of the Seven Brothers, detailing their temper and attributes. Lastly, it explores the close relations they maintained with rulers, referred to as kings, through the centuries.Décrits comme des « dieux de village » (yul lha), les sept frères Rongtsan étendent leur tutelle sur plusieurs localités du Ladakh, géographiquement éloignées, mais toutes liées à des degrés divers à un roi ou un roitelet. Chaque année, à l’occasion de danses masquées au sein de monastères ou de fêtes liées au cycle agricole, ils « descendent » dans des hommes — laïcs ou moines —, par la bouche et le corps desquels ils s’adressent aux villageois, prédisent l’avenir du pays et, notamment, les récoltes à venir. Cet article relate l’histoire de leur venue et de leur installation dans la vallée de l’Indus, puis offre une description détaillée de chacun des Sept Frères, soulignant la relation particulière qui les lie au pouvoir royal

Corneille Jest: Ethnologist and photographer

International audienceCorneille Jest was born in Strasbourg, France, on February 12, 1930. After preliminary scientific studies, he decided to specialize in ethnology. He spent many years at the Musée de I' Homme in Paris. A disciple of André Leroi-Gourhan, he followed his method. Under his supervision, he studied at the Centre de la Formation a la Recherche Ethnologique (CFRE), where fieldwork, methodology, technology and material life were stressed. It should be noted that this training used to end with a week of fieldwork in France. Comeille Jest chose to work in the Aveyron on traditional handicraft techniques which were very alive at that time. This formed the subject of his these de troisième cycle "Le Haut Levezou. Techniques et économie d'une communauté rurale", 1960, Paris, La Sorbonne. He entered the CNRS in 1956 where he has spent all his career

Un araire dans la tête...

Quatre grands types d’araire sont en usage dans l’arc himalayen. Leur cartographie fait apparaître des ensembles dont les aires d’extension et les limites permettent de lier domination politique et modèle technique. Elle soulève également de nombreuses questions relatives à la transmission des formes techniques, et plus généralement, conduit à s’interroger sur les courants présumés de migration dans la zone étudiée. Les observations portent à penser que le type d’araire utilisé en chaque lieu s’explique davantage par la prégnance d’un modèle idéel que par l’effet de contraintes environnementales.Four main types of swing ploughs (ard) are used in the Himalayas. Their cartography reveals units whose extension and limits enable to link together political domination and technical model. This cartography also raises numerous questions about the transmission of technical forms. More generally, it leads to ponder about the presumed migration routes in the area under study. Close observation seems to indicate that the type of plough used in each place owes less to environmental constraints than to an ideational model.Cuatro tipos generales se de arados usan en el arco del Himalaya. Su cartografía hace hincapíé en ciertos conjuntos cuyas áreas de extensión y cuyos límites permiten asociar dominación política y modelo técnico. Además, esta cartografía suscita cuestiones respecto a la trasmisión de las formas técnicas y más globalmente, a los trayectos de migración en la zona estudiada. Las observaciones hacen pensar que el tipo de arado utilizado en cada lugar se explica mejor por la huella de un modelo ideal que por las consecuencias de la restricciones ambientales

Approches de l'araire en Himalaya

L'étude d'un outil comme l'araire est moins simple qu'il n'y paraît, surtout lorsqu'il s'agit d'en comprendre la variété à grande échelle. En effet, si dans un village ou une vallée, les diverses conceptions indigènes expliquant la préférence pour un modèle particulier peuvent être cohérentes, en revanche, dans une région peuplée par des groupes différents, non seulement aucun discours ne saurait à lui seul rendre compte de l'ensemble des phénomènes, mais encore, nulle logique technique n'est..