48 research outputs found
VojniÄka država? Veterani i socijalna država u Hrvatskoj
The paper theorizes about the type of welfare state that emerged in Croatia post-1990, focusing specifically on ways in which the evolution of welfare programmes for veterans, and the gradual strengthening of veteran organizations as pivotal political actors, impacted its morphology. Croatia currently has a population of around 500,000 registered veterans, which in the mid-1990 started organizing into powerful organizations. Partly in response to this mobilization, from 1994 onwards HDZ governments created a comprehensive institutional architecture of entitlements for veterans, instituting durable material linkages alongside symbolic ties to this population. The prominence of veterans as a pivotal political actor has impacted the development of the welfare regime in Croatia. Strong reliance on the family for a broad range of care work is the central feature Croatia shares with other conservative welfare regimes, while the clientelist character of state-society relations relates it specifically to their Southern variant. Distinctly, the "compensatory" character of welfare programmes, which is characteristic of veteran programmes, and of family policy in Croatia generally, creates contradictory impulses. What seems to have emerged is a specific clientelist variant of a conservative welfare regime, sustained by veteran mobilizations, while at the same time eroded by the dependency, resentment and a myriad of other social impacts of these programmes. Future research on the welfare state in Croatia will hopefully further explore the arguments that this paper brings forward.Rad se bavi inaÄicom socijalne države koja se od devedesetih godina razvijala u Hrvatskoj, odnosno pitanjem kako su socijalni programi za veterane i pretvaranje veteranskih organizacija u kljuÄne politiÄke aktere utjecali na njezin razvoj. Hrvatska ima oko pola milijuna registriranih veterana te snažne i brojne veteranske organizacije. Djelomice reagirajuÄi na mobilizaciju veteranskih organizacija, vlade predvoÄene HDZ-om stvarale su od 1994. trajne materijalne povlastice za veterane, uz simboliÄne poveznice koje njeguju od svrÅ”etka Domovinskog rata. JaÄanje veteranskih organizacija kao politiÄkih aktera utjecalo je stoga na razvoj socijalne države u Hrvatskoj. Snažno oslanjanje na obitelj u pružanju skrbi srediÅ”nje je obilježje koje Hrvatska dijeli s drugima konzervativnim socijalnim državama, dok je klijentelistiÄki karakter odnosa izmeÄu države i druÅ”tvenih skupina povezuje s južnim tipom konzervativne socijalne države. Nadalje, Hrvatsku obilježavaju "kompenzacijski" socijalni programi, kako za veterane tako i u obiteljskoj politici opÄenito, koji imaju kontradiktorne druÅ”tvene uÄinke. KlijentelistiÄku inaÄicu konzervativne socijalne države u Hrvatskoj održava politiÄka mobilizacija veteranskih organizacija, ali je istodobno nagrizaju odnosi ovisnosti, predbacivanja i brojni drugi socijalni uÄinci tih programa. Ovaj rad ukazuje na potrebu obuhvatnijih komparativnih istraživanja socijalne države u Hrvatskoj
The Absent Socioeconomic Cleavage in Croatia: a Failure of Representative Democracy?
This paper engages with the broader debate about the failures of representative
democracy through a critical analysis of political cleavages in Croatia
from 1991 until the present. Building on existing studies which repeatedly
show that in Croatia political party competition is not structured along socioeconomic
cleavages, I argue that a socioeconomic cleavage exists in society,
but is not represented in the parliamentary arena. This hypothesis is backed up
by data from the ISSP survey (2009), aggregate comparative data as well as
an overview of existing studies. Available evidence points to growing social
stratification in society, while the citizens of Croatia are aware of socioeconomic
inequalities, they exhibit egalitarian value orientations and their economic
preferences seem coherent when approached from a social class perspective.
The second part of the paper formulates potential explanations for
this proposed mismatch between social dynamics and its representation in the
parliamentary arena, ranging from the role of communist historical legacies
and the impact of nation-building and war in the 1990s, towards considering
the way in which major political parties were influenced by European political
party families and the European integration process more broadly. Overall,
the analysis suggests that in Croatia structural conditions are conducive to a
socioeconomic cleavage, but that interests on their own cannot trigger collective
social action ā effective representation must be fought for through political
articulation and mobilisation
Europeanization as a Democratising Force in Post-communist Europe: Croatia in Comparative Perspective
Croatia remains largely left out of comparative studies of postcommunism even though its political development after 2000 places it firmly within the group of European post-communist consolidated democracies. In this paper I analyse the case of Croatia by combining comparative frameworks that focus on concepts of democratisation and Europeanization. The analysis shows that in the 1990s Croatia belonged to the group of illiberal democracies together with Slovakia, Romania and Bulgaria. They were characterised by postponed economic and political reforms, clientelism and corruption in government. This is primarily attributed to the absence of a competitive party system with alternations of parties in power. The concept of political party competition as developed by Grzymala Busse (2002, 2007) and Vachudova (2005) is however not sufficient on its own to explain democratisation trajectories, so it is complemented with Schimmelfennig, Engert and Knobelās (2006) concept of political party constellation. According to their argument, in countries where both liberal and illiberal parties structure the party space, the tipping point for democratisation happens when all main parties adopt a liberal political practice. Croatiaās ādemocratic turnā elections happened in 2000, after which the CDU initiated an internal reform into a pro- European Christian Democratic party. As a result, after 2000 Croatian political party space became dominantly liberal-oriented and pro-EU, jump-starting EU accession. Finally, the analysis suggests that postcommunist countries need to democratise first in order for Europeanization of domestic political space to start taking place
Progresivni konzervativizam Davida Camerona: kako karijera u odnosima s javnoÅ”Äu pridonosi pobjedi na izborima
Konzervativna stranka je u kampanji na izborima 2010. napravila makeover, inspiriran Blairovim potezom uoÄi pobjede laburista na izborima 1997
Exiting LepuÅ”iÄeva: Discussion
U radu āIzlazak iz LepuÅ”iÄeve?ā KasapoviÄ se ponovno bavi vrlo važnom temom kritiÄke procjene razvoja discipline politiÄke znanosti u Hrvatskoj, osvrÄuÄi se posebno na stanje u komparativnoj politici. Autorica prouÄava zaÅ”to se Hrvatska rijetko nalazi u meÄunarodnim komparativnim istraživanjima, s tim da problem analizira iz vanjskog ugla, pitajuÄi se zaÅ”to strani politolozi i veliki meÄunarodni istraživaÄki programi rijetko ukljuÄuju Hrvatsku. NadovezujuÄi se na KasapoviÄ, sumirat Äu glavne boljke, a zatim utvrditi da se razvoj empirijske politologije u Hrvatskoj odvija u odsutnosti sustavne znanstvene politike, ali i u kontekstu nedovoljne brige samih znanstvenika i o uvjetima produkcije znanja i o mehanizmima reprodukcije discipline.In the article āExiting LepuÅ”iÄeva?ā KasapoviÄ engages once again with the very important issue of critical evaluation of the development of political science in Croatia, with a particular focus on the status of comparative politics within the discipline. The author takes an outside perspective in the approach to the analysis of the reasons why Croatia can rarely be found in international comparative studies, and inquires into the reasons why political scientists abroad, involved in large-scale international research programs, rarely include Croatia as one of their case studies? In addition to KasapoviÄās argument, I begin by summing up the main problems, and afterwards I argue that the development of empirical political science in Croatia takes place in the absence of a comprehensive Science and research policy on the national level, but also in the context of insufficient concern of the scientists themselves for the conditions of knowledge production and the mechanisms of reproduction of the discipline
ZaŔto SDP-ova vlada nije socijaldemokratska?
āTi si naivan, joÅ” tristo godina u Hrvatskoj neÄe biti uvjeta za socijaldemokracijuā
Exiting LepuÅ”iÄeva: Discussion
U radu āIzlazak iz LepuÅ”iÄeve?ā KasapoviÄ se ponovno bavi vrlo važnom temom kritiÄke procjene razvoja discipline politiÄke znanosti u Hrvatskoj, osvrÄuÄi se posebno na stanje u komparativnoj politici. Autorica prouÄava zaÅ”to se Hrvatska rijetko nalazi u meÄunarodnim komparativnim istraživanjima, s tim da problem analizira iz vanjskog ugla, pitajuÄi se zaÅ”to strani politolozi i veliki meÄunarodni istraživaÄki programi rijetko ukljuÄuju Hrvatsku. NadovezujuÄi se na KasapoviÄ, sumirat Äu glavne boljke, a zatim utvrditi da se razvoj empirijske politologije u Hrvatskoj odvija u odsutnosti sustavne znanstvene politike, ali i u kontekstu nedovoljne brige samih znanstvenika i o uvjetima produkcije znanja i o mehanizmima reprodukcije discipline.In the article āExiting LepuÅ”iÄeva?ā KasapoviÄ engages once again with the very important issue of critical evaluation of the development of political science in Croatia, with a particular focus on the status of comparative politics within the discipline. The author takes an outside perspective in the approach to the analysis of the reasons why Croatia can rarely be found in international comparative studies, and inquires into the reasons why political scientists abroad, involved in large-scale international research programs, rarely include Croatia as one of their case studies? In addition to KasapoviÄās argument, I begin by summing up the main problems, and afterwards I argue that the development of empirical political science in Croatia takes place in the absence of a comprehensive Science and research policy on the national level, but also in the context of insufficient concern of the scientists themselves for the conditions of knowledge production and the mechanisms of reproduction of the discipline
JOSIP ŽUPANOVāS EGALITARIAN SYNDROME: A REAPPRAISAL
Teza Josipa Županova o egalitarnom sindromu kao prepreci razvoju vrlo je utjecajna u hrvatskim druÅ”tvenim znanostima. Rad analizira teorijska i empirijska uporiÅ”ta njegovih radova o radikalnom egalitarizmu s kraja 1960-ih godina. Tri su temeljna teksta u kojima je Županov razvio teoriju o egalitarizmu kao prepreci razvoju: āProizvoÄaÄ i rizikoā (1967.), āEkonomske aspiracije i druÅ”tvena norma egalitarnostiā, koji je objavio s Darinkom TadiÄ (1969.), te āEgalitarizam i industrijalizamā (1969.), koje je u svojim kasnijim radovima prenosio. Analiza ukazuje na slabosti empirijskih uporiÅ”ta i teorijskih postupaka na kojima se temelji njegova teza o radikalnom egalitarizmu. Drugo, kontekstualizacija njegova rada u kasne Å”ezdesete godine propituje tezu o njegovu radu kao kritiÄkoj praksi unutar tog režima, odnosno pokazuje kako su Županovljeve teze o homo oeconomicusu predstavljale dio liberalne reformske struje koja je zagovarala daljnje Å”irenje tržiÅ”nih odnosa. TreÄe, osporava se teza o modernizaciji u Jugoslaviji kao ādevijantnojā naspram pretpostavke da sva druÅ”tva konvergiraju prema kapitalistiÄkom modelu razvoja. Nasuprot tome, uvodi se pristup viÅ”estrukih moderniteta prema kojem modernizacija nije linearna putanja prema hegemonijskom modelu, nego otvoren proces koji nužno poprima povijesno specifiÄne oblike.Josip Županovās thesis about the egalitarian syndrome as an obstacle to development is very influential across the social sciences in Croatia. This paper analyses the theoretical and empirical basis of Županovās work on radical egalitarianism from the late 1960s. He developed the theory in three key publications āThe producer and riskā (1967), āEconomic aspirations and the social norm of egalitarianismā, which he published with Darinka TadiÄ (1969), and finally āEgalitarianism and industrialismā (1969), repeating it in his
later work. The analysis reveals important weaknesses in the empirical foundations and theoretical inferences of Županovās thesis of radical egalitarianism. Secondly, contextualising his work into the late 1960s re-examines the widely held view about his work as critical of the regime, showing that his theses about the homo oeconomicus were part of a liberal reform wing that openly advocated market solutions at the time of his writing. Thirdly, his work is related to the concept of ādeviantā modernization in Yugoslavia, which assumes that all societies converge to a capitalist model of development. This approach is criticised from the perspective of multiple modernities, according to which modernization is not a linear trajectory towards a hegemonic model, but an open ended process that necessarily takes shape in context-specific constellations