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    Syntax and Semantics of Monophasal Causatives

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    ํ•™์œ„๋…ผ๋ฌธ (๋ฐ•์‚ฌ) -- ์„œ์šธ๋Œ€ํ•™๊ต ๋Œ€ํ•™์› : ์ธ๋ฌธ๋Œ€ํ•™ ์–ธ์–ดํ•™๊ณผ, 2021. 2. Nam Seungho.This thesis investigates the semantics and syntax of causation in monophasal predicates and differentiates between the semantic types of causation and syntactic types of causation by criticizing various semantic and syntactic approaches to causation and CAUSE. It will be argued that the semantic approaches to what is loosely referred to as โ€œdefeasible causativesโ€ are either very strong, making a distinction between the sentential and contextual meaning impossible, or not comprehensive. It will be argued that the semantic types of causation can be explained by using the notion of the atomicity of subevents. Accordingly, a monophasal predicate can denote four types of causation; โ€œcausation with an atomic resultโ€ (a type of causation, whose result is entailed or implied to be atomic), โ€œcausation with plural sub-resultsโ€ (a type of causation, which is composed of plural sub-results), โ€œcausation with zero-resultsโ€ (a type of causation whose result only derives from a plurality of causing subevents) and โ€œdestined causationโ€ (a type of causation whose result derives from a plurality of an โ€œextended chain of disjoint sub-eventsโ€). This thesis also argues that previous approaches to the syntax of causation in monophasal predicates suffer configurational problems, namely an improper place of syntactic heads with respect to each other which results in various syntactic problems. It will be claimed that syntactically, the functional head CAUSE can give rise to โ€œcausative fluctuationโ€, which is the syntactic inversion of CAUSE with respect to the root โ€”i.e. CAUSE appears above or below the verbal root, and canonically, all types of causation can show causative fluctuation in a causative predicate. This thesis argues that the existing characteristics of causative fluctuation can be seen in two major environments. The first environment is the English โ€˜induced actionโ€™ verbs, and resultatives with unselected objects. It will be argued that only the former but not the latter shows causative fluctuation. The second environment is what I claim to be a type of unmarked anticausative which unlike other unmarked anticausatives constitutes a VOICE (semi-anticausatives). It will be argued that semi-anticausatives only allow CAUSE to appear above the lexical root and this behavior can be extended to all anticausatives and โ€˜non-causative resultativesโ€™.๋ณธ๊ณ ๋Š” ๊ธฐ์กด ์—ฐ๊ตฌ๋“ค์— ๋น„ํŒ์ ์œผ๋กœ ์ ‘๊ทผํ•˜์—ฌ ์‚ฌ์—ญ์˜ ํ†ต์‚ฌ์™€ ์˜๋ฏธ๋ฅผ ๊ตฌ๋ณ„ํ•จ์œผ๋กœ์จ ๋‹จ์ผ๊ตญ๋ฉด ๊ตฌ๋ฌธ์—์„œ ํ‘œํ˜„๋˜๋Š” ์‚ฌ์—ญ์‚ฌ๊ฑด์˜ ์˜๋ฏธ์™€ ํ†ต์‚ฌ๋ฅผ ๋ฐํžˆ๊ณ ์ž ํ•œ๋‹ค. ์˜๋ฏธ๋ก ์  ์ธก๋ฉด์—์„œ ํ•จ์ถ•๋˜๋Š” ๊ฒฐ๊ณผ๋ฅผ ์ง€๋‹ˆ๋Š” defeasible causative ๊ตฌ๋ฌธ์˜ ์˜๋ฏธ์— ๊ด€ํ•ด ์—ฌ๋Ÿฌ ์—ฐ๊ตฌ๋“ค์ด ์žˆ์ง€๋งŒ ์•„์ฃผ ๊ฐ•ํ•˜๊ฑฐ๋‚˜ ๋ชจ๋“  defeasible causative ๊ตฌ๋ฌธ์— ํ•ด๋‹นํ•˜์ง€ ์•Š๋‹ค๊ณ  ์ฃผ์žฅํ•œ๋‹ค. ์ด๋Ÿฌํ•œ ๋ฌธ์ œ๋ฅผ ํ•ด๊ฒฐํ•˜๊ธฐ ์œ„ํ•ด์„œ ๋ณธ๊ณ ์—์„œ๋Š” atomicity๋ผ๋Š” ๊ฐœ๋…์„ ์‚ฌ๊ฑด ๊ตฌ์กฐ์— ์ ์šฉํ•˜์—ฌ ์‚ฌ์—ญ์‚ฌ๊ฑด์„ ์œ ํ˜•ํ™”ํ•˜์—ฌ ์ œ์‹œํ•œ๋‹ค. ์ด์— ๋”ฐ๋ผ ์˜ค์ง ์›์ธ ํ•˜์œ„ ์‚ฌ๊ฑด ๋ณต์ˆ˜์„ฑ์ด ํ•จ์ถ•๋˜๋ฉด "causation with zero-results", ๋ถˆํŠน์ •ํ•œ ํ•˜์œ„ ๊ฒฐ๊ณผ์‚ฌ๊ฑด์ด ํ•จ์ถ•๋˜๋ฉด "causation with plural sub-results" ๊ทธ๋ฆฌ๊ณ  "๋ถ„๋ฆฌ๊ฒฐ๊ณผ"์˜ ๋ณต์ˆ˜์„ฑ์ด ํ•จ์ถ•๋˜๋ฉด "destined causation"์œผ๋กœ ๊ด€์ฐฐ๋œ๋‹ค. ์ด๋Ÿฌํ•œ ์œ ํ˜•๋“ค๊ณผ๋Š” ๋‹ฌ๋ฆฌ ํ•จ์˜๋˜๊ฑฐ๋‚˜ ํ•จ์ถ•๋˜๋Š” atomic ๊ฒฐ๊ณผ์‚ฌ๊ฑด์€ "causation with an atomic result"์œผ๋กœ ์œ ํ˜•ํ™”๋œ๋‹ค. ํ†ต์‚ฌ๋ก ์  ์ธก๋ฉด์—์„œ ๊ธฐ์กด ์—ฐ๊ตฌ๋Š” ํ•ต(head)์˜ ๊ฒฐํ•ฉ๋ฌธ์ œ๊ฐ€ ์žˆ๋‹ค๋Š” ์‚ฌ์‹ค์„ ์ฃผ์žฅํ•˜๊ณ  ์ด ๋ฌธ์ œ๋ฅผ ํ•ด๊ฒฐํ•˜๋Š” ๋ฐ์—๋„ ๊ธฐ์—ฌํ•˜์˜€๋‹ค. ๋ณธ๊ณ ๋Š” ์™ธ๋ถ€ ๋…ผํ•ญ์˜ ์ง์ ‘ ๋ฐ ๊ฐ„์ ‘ ์ฐธ์—ฌ๊ฐ€ ๊ตฌ๋ถ„๋œ๋‹ค. ์ด๋กœ์จ CAUSE๊ฐ€ ๋™์‚ฌ ์–ด๊ทผ(root)์˜ ์œ„๋‚˜ ์•„๋ž˜์— ์ƒ์„ฑ๋จ์œผ๋กœ์จ, ๋‹ค์‹œ ๋งํ•˜๋ฉด ์‚ฌ์—ญ ๋ณ€๋™(fluctuation)์œผ๋กœ, ํ•ต(head)์˜ ๊ฒฐํ•ฉ๋ฌธ์ œ๋ฅผ ์„ค๋ช…ํ•  ์ˆ˜ ์žˆ์Œ์„ ๋ณด์ธ๋‹ค. ๋ณธ๊ณ ๋Š” ์‚ฌ์—ญ ๋ณ€๋™์˜ ํŠน์ง•์„ ๋‚˜ํƒ€๋‚ด๋Š” ๊ตฌ๋ฌธ ์ค‘์— ๊ฒฐ๊ณผ ๊ตฌ๋ฌธ(resultatives)๊ณผ ๋ฐ˜์‚ฌ์—ญ ๊ตฌ๋ฌธ์„ ๋Œ€์ƒ์œผ๋กœ ํ•œ๋‹ค. ์˜ˆ์ปจ๋Œ€ "unselected" ๋ชฉ์ ์–ด๋ฅผ ์ง€๋‹ˆ๋Š” ์˜์–ด์˜ ๊ฒฐ๊ณผ ๊ตฌ๋ฌธ์ด "induced action" ๊ตฌ๋ฌธ๊ณผ ๋‹ฌ๋ฆฌ ์‚ฌ์—ญ ๋ณ€๋™์„ ๋ณด์—ฌ์ฃผ์ง€ ๋ชปํ•œ๋‹ค๊ณ  ์ฃผ์žฅํ•œ๋‹ค. ๋˜ํ•œ, ํŽ˜๋ฅด์‹œ์•„์–ด์˜ "semi-anticausative" ๋™์‚ฌ๋“ค์˜ ์˜๋ฏธํ†ต์‚ฌ์  ํ–‰๋™์„ ๊ด€์ฐฐํ•จ์œผ๋กœ์จ ๋ชจ๋“  "๋ฐ˜์‚ฌ์—ญ๋™์‚ฌ" (anticausatives) ๋˜ํ•œ "๋น„์‚ฌ์—ญ๊ฒฐ๊ณผ๊ตฌ๋ฌธ" (noncausative resultatives)์—๋Š” ์‚ฌ์—ญ์ด ์–ด๊ทผ ์œ„์—๋งŒ ๋‚˜ํƒ€๋‚  ์ˆ˜ ์žˆ๋‹ค๊ณ  ์ฃผ์žฅํ•˜๊ณ  ์ด๋Ÿฌํ•œ ํ–‰๋™์˜ ์˜๋ฏธํ†ต์‚ฌ์  ์›์ธ์„ ์„ค๋ช…ํ•œ๋‹ค. ์ง€๊ธˆ๊นŒ์ง€์˜ ๋ฐœ๊ฒฌ์„ ์ข…ํ•ฉํ•˜์—ฌ ๋ณธ๊ณ ๋Š” ์‚ฌ์—ญ ํ†ต์‚ฌ๊ฐ€ ์‚ฌ์—ญ๊ณผ ๋™์‚ฌ ์–ด๊ทผ์˜ ํ†ต์‚ฌ์  ์œ„์น˜์—์„œ ์˜จ ๊ฒƒ์ด๊ณ  ์‚ฌ์—ญ์— ์˜๋ฏธ๋Š” ๊ฒฐ๊ณผ์‚ฌ๊ฑด์— ํ•ด์„์—์„œ ์˜จ ๊ฒƒ์ด๋ผ๊ณ  ์ฃผ์žฅํ•œ๋‹ค.1 Introduction 1 1.1 Causation in Monophasal Predicates 1 1.2 Rethinking Causation and CAUSE 2 1.3 Summary of the Dissertation: Causative Fluctuation 4 2 Previous Semantic Accounts of Causation and Defeasible Causatives 6 2.1 CAUSE-less Approaches 7 2.1.1 Possible Worlds Approach 7 2.1.2 Scale Approach 8 2.1.3 CAUSE-less Modal Based Approach 12 2.1.4 Low Applicative Approach 17 2.1.5 Force Dynamics Approach 18 2.2 CAUSE-based with Sublexical Modality Approaches 20 2.2.1 CAUSE-based Approach to 'Prospective Possessor' Verbs 20 2.2.2 CAUSE-based Approach to Failed Attempt Predicates 23 2.3 Summary 25 3 Previous Syntactic Accounts of Causation 26 3.1 Polymorphic Approach to CAUSE 26 3.1.1 Configurational Problems 31 3.1.1.1 Sequence of Subevents 31 3.1.1.2 'Voice Bundling' 32 3.1.2 Secondary v and VOICE 35 3.1.2.1 Secondary VOICE in Monophasal Causative 37 3.1.2.2 Again and "Secondary v" 45 3.1.3 Summary 47 3.2 Applicative Approaches to Causatives 48 3.3 Event Decompositional Approach 54 3.4 Other Approaches 59 3.5 Summary 60 4. Types of Causation 61 4.1 The Sources of Different Types of Causation 61 4.2 Atomicity and Result 64 4.3 Atomicity and Causation Types 66 4.3.1 Causation with Atomic Result 66 4.3.2 Causation with Plural Sub-results 67 4.3.3 Causation with Zero-result 72 4.3.4 Destined Causation 74 4.4 Summary and Discussion 76 5. Causative Fluctuation: 'Direct' and 'Indirect' Causation 78 5.1 A Participant Based Analysis of (In)Direct Causation 78 5.2 Types of Causation and Indirect Causation 85 5.2.1 (In)Direct Causation Readings in Causation with Atomic Result 85 5.2.2 (In)direct Causation Readings in Causation with Plural Sub-results 85 5.2.3 (In)direct Causation Readings in Causation with Zero-result 86 5.2.4 (In)direct Causation Readings in Destined Causation 87 5.3 Proposal: Causative Fluctuation 89 5.4 Semantic Conditions on "Causative Fluctuation" 97 5.5 Modification Domain 102 5.6 Summary of the Results 108 6. Causative Fluctuation with English 'Induced Action' Verbs 110 6.1 Causation in Resultatives 111 6.2 (In)direct Causation in 'Induced Action' Verbs 114 6.3 Induced Causation in Resultatives 117 6.4 Summary and Conclusion 121 7. CAUSE in Anticausatives 122 7.1 VOICE in Anticausatives 122 7.1.1 VOICE and VOICE Typology 122 7.1.2 Problems with the Current Account of Anticausatives in Persian 127 7.2 "Semi-anticausatives" in Persian 131 7.3 Analysis and Proposal 134 7.3.1 Topic -r in Anticausatives 134 7.3.2 Unintentional Adverbs in Persian 137 7.3.3 Intentionality and Indirectness of Causation in Semi-anticausatives 138 7.3.4 Analysis 140 7.4 Interim Conclusion 142 7.5 Indirectness of Causation in 'Non-causatives' 143 7.6 Summary of Results 145 8 Concluding Remarks 146 References 148 ๊ตญ๋ฌธ์ดˆ๋ก 161Docto
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