Fabricando falsas verdades: la prensa italiana de izquierdas y la construcción de la imagen de palestinos e israelíes (1947-1957)

The aim of this work is to analyze how the leftist Italian press built the Israeli and Palestinian image between 1947 and 1957. The research has been focused on the study of the articles that were published in important periodicals of that period, with the purpose of analyzing the way in which these newspapers and magazines changed the language they used to talk about the inhabitants of the land of Palestine. The thesis of this article is that these periodicals built up multiple and contradictory representations of Israelis and Palestinians. These representations were not related to the Middle East reality. On the contrary, they were due to national and international ideological questions (the relationships among Italian parties and the evolution of the Cold War dynamics).El objetivo del presente estudio es analizar la forma en la que la prensa italiana de izquierdas construyó la imagen de palestinos e israelíes entre 1947 y 1957. La investigación se ha centrado en el estudio de los artículos publicados por algunos destacados periódicos de la época, con la finalidad de comprender cómo ha ido cambiando el lenguaje empleado por dichos órganos de prensa a la hora de referirse a los moradores de la tierra de Palestina. La tesis de este artículo es que dichos periódicos construyeron múltiples y contradictorias representaciones de judíos y palestinos, representaciones que no tenían nada que ver con la realidad de Oriente Medio, sino que obedecían a cuestiones ideológicas de carácter nacional e internacional (relaciones entre los partidos italianos y evolución de las dinámicas de la guerra fría)

Intolerable, peligrosa, imprescindible : intelectuales y políticos estadounidenses ante la problemática de la propaganda en el periodo de entreguerras (1919-1939)

El presente artículo se propone reconstruir el debate intelectual sobre manipulación de la opinión pública que se desarrolló en Estados Unidos en el periodo de entreguerras. Se analizarán además las actividades contra la propaganda que fueron llevadas a cabo por exponentes del mundo de la cultura, por un lado, y por los poderes ejecutivo y legislativo, por otro. La hipótesis de la investigación es que a lo largo del periodo de entreguerras se fue configurando en Estados Unidos una forma particular de entender la propaganda, una visión pedagógica de las actividades de persuasión que perduraría en el tiempo, convirtiéndose en una peculiaridad de la nación norteamericana.El present article es proposa reconstruir el debat intel·lectual sobre manipulació de l'opinió pública que es va desenvolupar als Estats Units en el període d'entreguerres. S'analitzaran a més les activitats contra la propaganda que van ser dutes a terme per exponents del món de la cultura, d'una banda, i pels poders executiu i legislatiu, per una altra. La hipòtesi de la recerca és que al llarg del període d'entreguerres es va anar configurant als Estats Units una forma particular d'entendre la propaganda, una visió pedagògica de les activitats de persuasió que perduraria en el temps, convertint-se en una peculiaritat de la nació nord-americana.The aim of this article is to reconstruct the intellectual debate on propaganda that developed in the United States of America in the interwar period. Additionally, it will analyze the activities against propaganda that were carried out by the cultural world, on the one hand, and by the federal authorities, on the other. This work hypothesizes that during the interwar period a new and peculiar idea of propaganda took shape in the United States: it was a "pedagogic vision" of the persuasion activities that would endure until our days

Legislative Investigations into Propaganda Activities (1919–1941)

The present work analyzes the complex relationship that was established during the interwar period between the American press and the legislative committees which investigated the propaganda activities of subversive movements and large private corporations during those years. The investigation is the result of the examination of journalistic sources and documentary evidence recently collected from various US federal and state archives. The main hypothesis is that the struggle against propaganda by both the press and the legislative committees became a new form of manipulation of public opinion, enabling politicians and reporters to exploit people’s aversion to the new persuasion techniques in order to satisfy their own personal interests and ideological purposes

La lucha institucional contra la propaganda de las grandes empresas estadounidenses durante la Gran Depresión

The aim of the article is to analyze the nature of the committees that were established in the 1930s in the United States of America in order to investigate the propaganda campaigns of private corporations. In particular, the research will focus on the investigations into propaganda activities of gas and electricity companies, arms industries and film studios. The hypothesis is that, although many politicians were moved by a genuine willingness to ensure justice, in the long term the investigations would end up being dominated by ideological radicalization and emotional drift, which ultimately frustrated the possibility that, from the work of the committees, regulatory measures of the financial sector could arise.; El objetivo del presente trabajo es el de analizar la labor de los comités legislativos estadounidenses que fueron establecidos, durante la década de los treinta del siglo XX, con el fin de indagar la propaganda de las grandes corporaciones privadas. En particular, se analizarán las investigaciones sobre las empresas de gas y electricidad, las industrias armamentísticas y las major cinematográficas. La hipótesis es que, si bien muchos dirigentes fueron movidos por la genuina voluntad de combatir abusos y malas prácticas, a largo plazo las investigaciones acabaron siendo dominadas por una acentuada radicalización ideológica y por una destacada deriva emocional, lo que a la postre frustró la posibilidad de que, a partir de la labor de los comités, pudiesen surgir medidas de regulación del sector

FERNÁNDEZ AMADOR, Mónica y QUIROSA-CHEYROUZE Y MUÑOZ, Rafael (eds.), La lucha por una vida mejor. Los inicios del movimiento vecinal en Almería. Madrid, Sílex, 2021, 485 pp.

Reseña del libro: Fernández Amador, Mónica y Quirosa-Cheyrouze y Muñoz, Rafael (eds.), La lucha por una vida mejor. Los inicios del movimiento vecinal en Almería. Madrid, Sílex, 2021, 485 pp. ISBN: 978-84-19661-56-2

Los políticos estadounidenses y el mundo del cine: Orígenes de una relación compleja y ambivalente

The article analyzes the way in which US politicians dealt with the problems related to the appearance of cinema and the affirmation of films as a social phenomenon in the interwar period. In particular, both the executive apparatus and the Congress of Washington D.C. were concerned with the great capacity that directors and producers had in spreading new ideas and values among the masses. In those years, important questions (still relevant in our present time) arose. Where to set the limits of freedom of expression? To what extent is the State entitled to regulate the mass media sector and censor certain content? Can a democratic government produce artistic works in order to modify attitudes and opinions of its own citizens?El artículo analiza la manera en la que los políticos estadounidenses se enfrentaron a las problemáticas relativas a la aparición del cine y a la afirmación de las películas como fenómeno social en el periodo de entreguerras. En particular, tanto el aparato ejecutivo como el Congreso de Washington D.C. se preocuparon por la capacidad que directores y productoras adquirieron a la hora de difundir nuevas ideas y valores entre las masas. Surgieron entonces preguntas que, todavía en nuestro tiempo presente, siguen siendo de gran actualidad. ¿Dónde fijar los límites de la libertad de expresión? ¿Hasta qué punto el Estado está legitimado para reglamentar el sector de los medios de comunicación y censurar determinados contenidos? ¿Puede un Gobierno democrático producir obras artísticas con el fin de modificar actitudes y opiniones de sus propios ciudadanos

Un decennio di rassegnato silenzio? La diffusione di propaganda eversiva e rivoluzionaria negli Stati Uniti degli "Anni ruggenti"

The article will challenge the view that, throughout the 1920s, radical movements lost their ability to carry out propaganda activities. Through the analysis of reports drawn up by Military Intelligence and State Department officials, it will be showed that both the revolutionary left and the fascist movements produced media campaigns throughout the decade. The hypothesis is that, contrary to what happened in the early years of the Interwar period and in the 1930s, during the 1920s politicians had neither the interest nor the willingness to generate massive hysteria around propaganda activities

Screening for cervical carcinoma in HIV-infected women: Analysis of main risk factors for cervical cytologic abnormalities

AIM: The aim of this study was to identify potential predictive factors for cervical disease in women with HIV and to evaluate adherence during follow-up to cervical cancer screening. METHODS: In order to identify the independent role of factors associated with the presence of a cervical abnormality, all of the variables showing in univariate analyses a potential association with the outcome variable (presence of cervical abnormalities) were entered into a multivariate logistic regression model, along with age at first visit to our center, and age at diagnosis. RESULTS: A total of 540 HIV-positive women who received screening for cervical cancer during the first year after their first visit to our center were included in the analysis; 423 (78.3%) had normal cytology and 117 (21.7%) had cytological abnormalities, classified as follows: 21 atypical squamous cells of undetermined significance (17.9%); 51 low-grade squamous intraepithelial lesions (43.6%); 41 high-grade squamous intraepithelial lesions (35.0%); and four cervical cancers (3.4%). In our study, women with more than two previous pregnancies were significantly associated with a lower risk of cervical cytological abnormalities compared to the other women. Women with CD4+ levels of 200-499/mm3 had a higher risk of developing cervical cytological abnormalities compared to those with a CD4+ level > 500/ mm3 . CONCLUSION: In summary, management of HIV-positive women must be modeled on HIV-clinical status, CD4+ cell count, drug regimen, and adherence to follow-up, relying on the cooperation of highly qualified professionals. In HIV-positive women, an adequate screening and follow-up allows for a reduced occurrence of advanced cervical disease and prevents recourse to invalidating surgical interventions