Nothing to agree on: Non-agreeing subjects of copular clauses in Hebrew

Copular clauses in Hebrew with the copula ze never allow their subjects to agree with the copula or with the post-copular predicate. Following previous work, it is shown that such clauses are not predicational and that their subjects often get a ‘hidden event’ interpretation. After ruling out an analysis that takes the copula to be the actual subject and an analysis involving a clausal subject, it is argued that these clauses involve a subject that lacks the features needed for subject-external agreement, while having the features needed for subject-internal agreement

The Syntax of Determiners in Hebrew

Despite many advances in the understanding of the syntax of noun phrases, the position of determiners and the distributional restrictions they exhibit raise many unsolved problems. Abney's (1987) DP Hypothesis has led to new approaches to these problems, but it accounts mainly for articles in languages such as English, not giving a systematic account of other kinds of determiners. This paper centers on determiners in Hebrew, and tries to give a unified account which links the following properties of Hebrew: * Most determiners have two (synonymous) forms, the one derived from the other by the same morphology that derives nominal heads of construct-state nominal