4 research outputs found
Various Supports for Low-Income Families Reduce Poverty and Have Long-Term Positive Effects On Families and Children
Since the Great Depression, the United States has developed a set of supports to help low-income families, seniors, children, and people with disabilities make ends meet and obtain health care. Extensive research indicates that these supports lift millions of Americans out of poverty, help "make work pay" by supplementing low wages, and enable millions of Americans to receive health care who otherwise could not afford it. To be sure, the United States still has a higher poverty rate than many other advanced countries, and many Americans reach adulthood without the tools they need to succeed in the workforce. Various programs and policies, especially in areas such as job training and education, could be reformed and strengthened. But the claim that advocates of shrinking government sometimes make that public efforts to reduce poverty and hardship have failed is belied by the evidence
From the 1996 Welfare Law to the Great Recession: Essays on the Effect of Safety Net Changes on Employment and Income Trends
The United States safety net has undergone significant changes over the last three decades. In the early 1990s the Earned Income Tax Credit was expanded. The 1996 welfare law dramatically reduced access to cash assistance. SNAP (formerly food stamps) declined in the aftermath of the 1996 welfare law but rebounded during the 2000s. This dissertation analyzes how these safety net changes have affected the employment trends of single mothers and the income trends of families with children.
The first essay examines different ways of measuring how cash assistance changed after the 1996 law. It reviews previous approaches and introduces two measures that meet the objectives of capturing the benefit level and accessibility of a safety net program independent of economic conditions and allowing for variation by year, state, and family size. The essay concludes by discussing how this methodology can be adapted to measure changes in SNAP and EITC policies.
The second essay examines the employment trends of single mothers. The descriptive analysis shows how single mothers with the least educational attainment and those with the youngest children increased their employment the most between 1992 and 1999. The econometric analysis uses the safety net measures developed in the first essay to analyze the effect of safety net changes on the employment of single mothers. It finds that the EITC accounted for 36 percent of the employment increase among single mothers with a high school education or less between 1992 and 1999. The economy accounted for 20 percent, changes in cash assistance for 10 percent, and SNAP changes for 4 percent.
The third essay examines how the level and composition of incomes of families with children changed between 1993 and 2012. These data show how the safety net has become more focused on supporting families with earnings and less helpful to families during periods of joblessness. Changes in the safety net drove a 16 percent decline in post-tax post-transfer family income of the poorest five percent of children between 1995 and 2005. The paper concludes by looking at the characteristics of children at different points in the income distribution
Child Poverty Falls to Record Low, Comprehensive Measure Shows Stronger Government Policies Account for Long-term Improvement
The child poverty rate fell to a record low of 15.6 percent in 2016, a little more than half its 1967 level of 28.4 percent. This finding emerges from a new poverty series we have developed that combines the Census Bureau's poverty data for 2016 with long-term poverty data compiled by Columbia University researchers. The new poverty series relies on the federal government's Supplemental Poverty Measure (SPM), a comprehensive yardstick that most analysts believe provides a more accurate assessment of the resources available to low-income households to meet basic needs than the "official" poverty measure does. That's because the SPM counts the income that the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP, formerly known as the Food Stamp Program), rental subsidies, and other federal non-cash benefits and refundable tax credits provide, while the "official" poverty measure ignores such benefits.