679 research outputs found

    Transitions among States behind Interactive Agent Model

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    台灣「中國因素」: 民主及其不滿 = Taiwan\u27s China Factor : democracy and its discontent

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    這篇文章,我要處理的問題是,近年台灣知識界面對「中國因素」所提出的《自由人宣言》(即建立在落實主權確立下的憲政民主,以保障人權作為兩岸協商的架構)的可能侷限與問題。這套以普世價值為基礎的新的兩岸關係框架,主要建立在兩個要素:一是確立國家主權為民主體制的前提,二同時將國家主權延伸至普世價值的人民主權(體現在公民社會),作為兩岸關係對話的基礎。面對台灣過去本土認同與國族統獨論述對立逐漸失效、以及因應「中國因素」兩岸局勢變化下民進黨亟欲發展新的本土論述的脈絡,這套論述的提出,試圖回應過去本土論述的問題與不足,嘗試將建立在台灣本土身分認同的民主想像,轉向至建立在現代國家主權認可的普世價值與公民社會實踐。然而,這套以現代國家主權為前提的普世民主觀,以他者化香港成為台灣未來的反面例子,恰恰形成建構台灣自身相對於中國的民主想像,反而取消了其欲超越、打開的第三種、民主的中國想像。 The notion China Factor in Taiwan, emerging as one of the causes in the anti-media monopoly movement in 2012, refers to a cross-strait media monopoly impeding the press freedom and the freedom of speech. At the same time, liberalist intellectuals further defined “China Factor” as the approaching political impact of “Cross-strait politician and capitalist alliance” on Taiwan’s democracy, and proposed the idea of “a third way of imagining China” beyond nationalist independence of Taiwan and reunification with China (Wu 2012). “Freeman Manifesto” was also proposed as a new political cross-strait framework. However, as a political signifier rather than a conceptual analytic term, Taiwan’s “China Factor” reproduces Taiwan’s imaginary democracy vis-à-vis China through negation of Hong Kong and displaces the existing cause for the nationalist independence with the popular sovereignty. With its emphasis on importance of sovereignty as the essential way to Taiwan’s democracy in relation to China, the third way of imagining China—namely the development of civil society and the proposal of “freeman” spirit—may not be as promising as it hopes to be, but lead us once again to face the same predicament that it tries to go beyond: independence and reunification

    「超越藍綠」、想像「中國」、參照「香港」下的台灣政治論述

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    本論文疏理台灣民主化過程中,訴諸「超越藍綠統獨」的「台灣」民主共同體形構及其「中國」想像。「超越藍綠」是分析對象,包括1980年代末以來國民黨與民進黨的「藍綠」政治論述,以及「超越藍綠」的社會運動論述,想像「中國」是分析當中台灣主體形構的「中國」想像,參照「香港」是以香港的「中國」想像為對照,並試圖回應「今日香港明日台灣」的說法。 本論文分為四章節:「中國統一」與「台灣獨立」、國民黨與民進黨的「藍綠統獨」、知識批判界與社會運動的「超越藍綠」,香港的「中國」想像。本論文指出,台灣國民黨的反共「中國統一」與反國民黨的「台灣獨立」意義,是訴諸他者「中國」的威脅,建構政治現代化的自我。在此論述下,國民黨與民進黨在國家認同與兩岸主張上,形成「藍綠統獨對立」的立場,但各自政治論述又共同召喚面對「中國」(中共)的政治與經濟危機想像,共構政治上捍衛台灣「主權-民主」完整與經濟上追求兩岸「經濟發展共榮」的共同體想像。社運與批判知識界的「超越藍綠」,雖然企圖超越藍綠民粹化的對立,並修補政黨輪替後民進黨執政的「民主創傷」,但隨著國民黨重新執政與強調兩岸共榮的中國政策/超越藍綠」接合「藍綠」的「中國」迫切焦慮,從解決內部「民主創傷」轉為「捍衛台灣民主」、對抗外部「中國因素」的政治修辭,藍綠政黨也挪用此修辭標榜自身優於對方政黨的正當性。「超越藍綠」成為消費性的符碼,陷入「藍綠統獨」的迴圈。香港的「中國」想像,則凸顯「中國」內在於香港人民基層歷史與日常生活中,有難以切割的距離,進而問題化「香港」與「中國」的對立指稱,是台灣重新想像「中國」的可能參照。 知識批判上,本論文疏理台灣「藍綠統獨對立」問題的「中國」論述,作為未來「中國」轉向的討論基礎。政治意義上,本論文反思政治「藍綠」到社會運動「超越藍綠」的民粹化困境。最後,本論文嘗試提出「人民」與「階級」的「第三方」,作為超克前述困境與「中國」想像侷限的未來方向

    WILLINGNESS AND ABILITY TO PERFORM INFORMATION SECURITY COMPLIANCE BEHAVIOR: PSYCHOLOGICAL OWNERSHIP AND SELF-EFFICACY PERSPECTIVE

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    Information security policy effectiveness relies on how well an individual employee can follow the specified instruction described in security policies. The actual taking place of such compliance behavior is determined by individuals’ willingness and capability of performing such behavior. In this study, we used psychological ownership to represent the driver of willingness and self-efficacy to represent individuals’ capability belief. In addition to understanding the impacts of these two variables on compliance behavior, we also explore their antecedents. Data collected from 234 employees in organizations with specific security policies were used to examine the proposed hypotheses. We confirmed the positive impact of selfefficacy but, surprisingly, found the negative impact of psychological ownership. Such a result generates some interesting implications for researchers and practitioners

    Assessing the Integrity of Spillway Foundations

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    The erosion under a spillway can be a long-term issue that threatens the structural integrity of a water reservoir. The spillway under investigation was suspected to be defective after it had been commissioned in 1987 (Figure 1). Potholes and subsurface cavities were confirmed in the safety assessment using various NDT techniques including ground penetrating radar and impact echo. The GPR inspection was able to differentiate the intact region from the cavities under concrete slabs (Figure 2). The impact echo results and associated analyses provided further evidence of inferior condition in the soil under the concrete slabs. The engineering team designed and executed the repair project based on the conclusion of the integrity assessment. Subsequent GPR inspection has been performed so as to monitor the integrity of the spillway in a period of 18 months following the repair
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