Reforming the family code in Tunisia and Morocco - the struggle between religion, globalisation and democracy

There is no doubt that one of the most contentious terrains of contestation in the supposed clash of values between Islamism and western values is the role of women in society. Thus, the issue of women's rights has become the litmus test for Arab societies with respect to the current zeitgeist of human rights in the age of democracy and liberalism. There is today a stereotypical view of debates surrounding women's rights in the Arab world where two distinct camps are in conflict with each other. On the one hand there are 'globalised' liberal and secular actors that strive for women's rights and therefore democracy, while on the other are obscurantist movements that are anchored in religious tradition, resist globalisation and are therefore autocratic by assumption. This article challenges this view and through an empirical study of the changes to the Code of Personal Status in Tunisia and Morocco it demonstrates that the issue of women's rights is far more complex and, in particular, it finds that there is a very significant decoupling between women's rights and democracy in the region, despite a progressive liberal shift in the gender equality agenda

Political Islam in Morocco: negotiating the Kingdom’s liberal space

The uprisings of the Arab spring have highlighted the weakness of traditional opposition actors which have been unable to predict and lead the revolutions. This paper, focusing on the case of Morocco, examines how the discourses and practices of the regime shaped the complex field of Political Islam, contributing to two distinct but interlinked phenomena. On the one hand, they have managed to lead Islamists and seculars to overcome many of their previous divisions to sustain common battles in the name of democracy and human rights. On the other they have deepened rifts and divisions among Islamists themselves on the crucial issue of political reforms

Assessment of Cooperativity in Ternary Peptide-Cucurbit[8]uril Complexes

Evaluating cooperativity for cucurbit[8]uril (CB[8])-mediated ternary complexation is required for understanding and advancing designs of such ternary self-assembled systems. A key issue is to dissect the contributions of the binding steps of the first and second guest molecules to the overall ternary complex formation energy. This is addressed by performing concentration-dependent titrations between CB[8] and guests by means of concentration-dependent calorimetric and 1H-NMR titrations. The sensitivity of the fitting of the cumulative heat of complexation of the calorimetric titrations is evaluated in terms of fitting error and enthalpy–entropy compensation and, together with the NMR spectroscopic analysis of the separate species, non-cooperative binding is conceived to be the most probable binding scenario. The binding behavior of CB[8] homoternary complexes is similar to CB[8] heteroternary complexes, with an enthalpy-driven tight fit of the guests in the CB[8] cavity overcoming the entropic penalty. Also for these types of complexes, a non-cooperative binding is the most probable

Targeting protein-loaded CB[8]-mediated supramolecular nanocarriers to cells

Supramolecular amphiphiles, consisting of ternary complexes of cucurbit[8]uril (CB[8]), an alkylated paraquat derivative and a tetraethylene glycol-functionalized azobenzene, self-assemble into vesicles of about 200 nm in diameter. The outer surface of the vesicles was functionalized with cell-targeting ligands. These vesicles were employed for loading and delivery of proteins into cells. Supramolecular amphiphile-derived vesicles show great promise as nanocarriers of functional molecules to be transferred into cells

Liberal outcomes through undemocratic means: the reform of the Code de statut personnel in Morocco

The 2004 reform of the family code in Morocco has been held as one of the most significant liberal reforms undertaken in the country, and has led scholars and policy makers to argue that this demonstrates the democratic progress Morocco and the King are making. At the same time, the role of the women's movement in getting the reform approved has seemingly confirmed that associational life is crucial in promoting democratisation. This paper, building on theoretical work questioning the linkage between a strong civil society and democratic outcomes, argues that civil society activism does not necessarily lead to democratisation, and may reinforce authoritarian practices. Far from demonstrating the centrality of civil society, the process through which the new family code was passed highlights the crucial institutional role of the monarch, whose individual decision-making power has driven the whole process. Authoritarianism finds itself strengthened in Morocco despite the liberal nature and outcome of the reform