Gender Sensitizing Parliaments: Reflections on Becoming a Feminist Academic Critical Actor

Informed by my secondment to the UK Parliament in 2015–2016, and the production and reception of The Good Parliament report—which offered a blueprint for a diversity-sensitive House of Commons—this article reflects on my experiences becoming a feminist academic critical actor. This new type of critical actor extends the conceptualization first developed by Childs and Krook (2006, 2008). A distinctiveness vis. Chappell and Mackay’s (2021) concept of the “feminist critical friend” is also drawn: In addition to researching institutional change and supporting others in their reform work, the feminist academic critical actor is essential to instigate and institute institutional change. In this, the feminist academic critical actor is engaged in quotidian persuasion work and is both the agent as well as the analyst of research, critically reflecting on the dynamics and actors of institutional status, change, and resistance, including their own acts, in situ and after. In making the case for the feminist academic critical actor, the academic is recognized as doing something different, begging important questions of responsibility and accountability, and the opportunities and costs of engaging in such acts, particularly for minoritized and/or precarious academics. In the latter part of the article, I sketch out some of the dilemmas located in the questioning of my authority and legitimacy, and concerning the harm that I faced as a relatively privileged aspirant feminist academic critical actor, acting to rework the highly masculinized institution that is the UK House of Commons.<br/

The Complicated Relationship between Sex, Gender and the Substantive Representation of Women

Simply counting the numbers of women present in politics is an inadequate basis for theorizing the difference they might make. Drawing on research on British MPs (interviews with Labour women MPs first elected in 1997, analysis of Labour MPs’ voting behaviour and signing of early day motions in the 1997 parliament, and MPs’ participation in parliamentary debates accompanying the Sex Discrimination (Election Candidates) Act), this article shows how insights gained from empirical research can inform and improve our theorizing. It suggests that the relationship between women’s descriptive and substantive representation is better conceived as complicated rather than straightforward

Evaluating the Energy Security Implications of a Carbon-Constrained U.S. Economy

Examines how factors linked to U.S. energy security would be affected in eight scenarios in which carbon emissions are limited to a certain level. Assesses the feasibility of and need for low-carbon technology

La Jaula De Oro Y Dreamers: Wellness Of Latinx Undocumented College Students In A Divisive Political Climate And #45 Era Presidency

Undocumented, unafraid, and unapologetic is how our students should be able to communicate to us; yet this is not the reality for many. There are an estimated 65,000 undocumented students who graduate from high schools every year in the United States, and another 7,000 to 13,000 enrolled in colleges and universities. As of September 2017, the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program has granted about 800,000 individuals deferment from deportation. DREAMers are those brought to this country, are out of status, and likely also qualify for the DREAM Act if it were passed. Many undocumented students in general are prone to experiencing stress that exists as a result of their immigration status. Fear and concerns about physical safety cause many students to keep their status a secret from peers, school personnel, and even close friends. Their fears are rooted in a system that separates families, imprisons migrants without due process, and incites violence against those who are undocumented or are perceived to be, in this country. Thus, navigating life in the shadows for them is understandable; but doing so also comes with real consequences, negatively impacting them academically, socially, and psychologically. The purpose of this study is to seek to understand the experiences of Latinx undocumented college students in the current political climate and under the current administration in terms of how their student experiences and overall wellness as Latinx undocumented students are being impacted. The study was guided by several questions: a) How do Latinx undocumented students talk about their experiences on the college campus? b) How do Latinx undocumented students perceive how the institution responds to issues they face due to their undocumented status? c) What incidents in particular have most impacted them as college students? And, d) How do students describe their own sense of efficacy and self-care as they navigate college within this current climate? Through the lens of Latino/a Critical Race Theory and semi-structured interviews with college students in New England and California, coupled with reflections from field experiences, analysis of multiple forms of data, and the researcher’s personal connections to immigration via family history—findings of this study illuminate the lived experiences, challenges, and trauma faced by these students within the ongoing political divisiveness around matters of immigration. It is important that we as higher education and student affairs personnel understand the lived experiences of these students so that we can more compassionately and competently serve the community while also enabling their success and wellness. It is intended that the findings from this study will illuminate the experiences of undocumented students and provide new ways to support and guide these students

'Which men?' How an intersectional perspective on men and masculinities helps explain women's political under-representation

Progress towards gender equality in politics is striking. With the help of electoral gender quotas in 130+ countries, women’s national legislative representation more than doubled in the last 20 years. Other historically marginalized groups – racial, ethnic, and religious minorities, immigrants, and indigenous peoples – are also increasingly making their way into our parliaments. Political institutions are, then, more inclusive today than they have ever been. Yet, equal representation has not been fully realized: some marginalized groups have seen a decline, and men from dominant social and economic groups – hereafter ‘elite men’ – remain numerically dominant. Indeed, as of January 2014, there were no known countries where elite men did not hold a disproportionately high share of positions in national elective office (Hughes 2015)

A Missed Opportunity: Women and the 2010 UK General Election

The 2010 UK general election presented a rare opportunity to significantly enhance women's representation in the UK due to the larger numbers of vacant?held seats following the parliamentary expenses scandal of 2009. However, despite encouraging words and commitments from the main political parties, the opportunity was missed. The proportion of women's representation in the UK parliament remains at around 22 per cent, comparing unfavourably with countries as diverse as Rwanda and Sweden, and leaving the UK ranking 52nd in the global league table. Although there is no one single answer for achieving sex parity in politics, many factors can increase women's opportunities. At the 2010 general election, only the Labour party adopted the strategy of‘equality guarantees'; the other two parties preferred ‘equality rhetoric’ and‘equality promotion'; the outcome of the general election demonstrated, once again, the efficacy of the Labour party's equality guarantees

Conservatism and women's political representation

Conservative political actors appear rather troubling for many gender and politics scholars and feminist activists. What should we make of their claims to represent women? How should we best understand their actions? This article, based on a critical re-reading of the empirical literature and informed by contemporary representation theory, develops a new conceptual framework for assessing the quality of women's substantive representation by conservatives. We find that under specified conditions, conservative representatives do further women's substantive representation. A first set of conditions relates to conservative claims to represent women. These are considered to be ‘for women’ when they marry conservative women’s concerns in society; when conservative representatives act and do not simply engage in rhetoric; and when their actions are not undercut by other acts, policies or outcomes unfavourable to women. A second set of criteria considers the quality of the process of women’s substantive representation. We contend that a feminist process of deliberation about women’s interests can include conservative claims as long as they meet the requirements of responsiveness, inclusiveness and egalitarianism

Good representatives and good representation

This article should be read as an ongoing dialogue between Suzanne Dovi and ourselves about a common concern: the quality of representation in general and, in particular, the good substantive representation for women (SRW). We strongly share Dovi’s concern that democratic institutions and processes can favor those in positions of power and can be used to dominate and oppress. We also are persuaded that for democracy to function well, a specific type of representative is required (Dovi 2007). The key difference between us is that Dovi’s focus (2002, 2007) is on the individual representative’s characteristics and qualities, whereas we turn our focus to the level of representative processes