African-American health: the role of the social environment

Cooper and colleagues have noted that the forces affecting the health of minority populations are the same forces, on a less intensive scale, that affect the health of the overall population. 90 That is, we can view the health of the African-American population as the visible tip of an iceberg. This tip of the iceberg is a function of the average health of the entire population. Thus, an effective strategy must address not only the tip, but also should attack the entire iceberg and reduce the risk that it is creating throughout the population. Similarly, Wallace and Wallace have shown how the mechanisms of hierarchical diffusion, spatial contagion, and network diffusion lead to the spread of health and social problems initially confined in inner cities to suburban areas and smaller cities. 91 That is, because of the economic links typing various communities together, there are mechanisms that will ensure the diffusion of disease and disorder from one area to another. If unaddressed, the problems of stigmatized and marginalized urban populations will have adverse impacts on the health, well-being, and quality of life of the more affluent. Thus, investments that will improve the social conditions of a marginalized population can have long-term positive health and social consequences for the entire society.Peer Reviewedhttp://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/45781/1/11524_2006_Article_BF02345099.pd

A chronicle of racism: the effects of the white medical community on black health.

At no time in history has the health of black Americans equaled that of white Americans. This distinction is particularly evident in the South, where blacks have been subjected to governmental policies promoting discrimination and segregation. The explanations offered for this difference in health status are numerous. The argument presented in this article is that the health status of blacks in the United States has been greatly affected by the attitudes and perceptions of white physicians. From the days of slavery to 1992, the policies and practices of the white medical community have had an enormous impact on the health of blacks. Black physicians have played a large role in changing the delivery of health-care services to the black population. Their fight was a microcosm of the Civil Rights activities taking place in the world around them. This article describes the history of medical care as it relates to black patients and physicians. The progress that has been made over the past century is analyzed, and the need for continued education and persistence is emphasized. Legalized segregation may have been outlawed in the 1960s, but the nation's vital statistics indicate that equality has yet to be achieved

Differences in the Patterns of Health Care System Distrust Between Blacks and Whites

CONTEXT: Although health care-related distrust may contribute to racial disparities in health and health care in the US, current evidence about racial differences in distrust is often conflicting, largely limited to measures of physician trust, and rarely linked to multidimensional trust or distrust. OBJECTIVE: To test the hypothesis that racial differences in health care system distrust are more closely linked to values distrust than to competence distrust. DESIGN: Cross-sectional telephone survey. PARTICIPANTS: Two hundred fifty-five individuals (144 black, 92 white) who had been treated in primary care practices or the emergency department of a large, urban Mid-Atlantic health system. PRIMARY MEASURES: Race, scores on the overall health care system distrust scale and on the 2 distrust subscales, values distrust and competence distrust. RESULTS: In univariate analysis, overall health care system distrust scores were slightly higher among blacks than whites (25.8 vs 24.1, p = .05); however, this difference was driven by racial differences in values distrust scores (15.4 vs 13.8, p = .003) rather than in competence distrust scores (10.4 vs 10.3, p = .85). After adjustment for socioeconomic status, health/psychological status, and health care access, individuals in the top quartile of values distrust were significantly more likely to be black (odds ratio = 2.60, 95% confidence interval = 1.03-6.58), but there was no significant association between race and competence distrust. CONCLUSIONS: Racial differences in health care system distrust are complex with far greater differences seen in the domain of values distrust than in competence distrust. This framework may be useful for explaining the mixed results of studies of race and health care-related distrust to date, for the design of future studies exploring the causes of racial disparities in health and health care, and for the development and testing of novel strategies for reducing these disparitie