Living in Gang-Controlled Neighborhoods: Impacts on Electoral and Nonelectoral Participation in El Salvador

Gangs’ territorial control affects the lives of residents in thousands of neighborhoods across Latin America, particularly in northern Central American countries. I argue that gang dominance constrains the ability of neighborhood residents to mobilize politically and consequently resist gang violence through institutionalized channels. Living in gang-controlled neighborhoods results in fewer incentives and opportunities to make political elites accountable for one’s personal safety. Even residents who have already experienced crime firsthand are discouraged from turning to politics as a strategy to change the status quo. My theoretical insights identify mechanisms through which gangs’ neighborhood control affects nonelectoral and electoral participation. To test my hypotheses, I rely on census and public opinion data collected in seventy-one neighborhoods in El Salvador. This article offers the first systematic statistical analysis of the effect of gangs’ territorial control on political participation in the Latin American context. The findings suggest that living under gang rule undermines residents’ right to engage freely in politics in nuanced ways

Making Space for Women: Explaining Citizen Support for Legislative Gender Quotas in Latin America

Gender quotas have been adopted in over a hundred countries in an effort to address gender disparities in national legislatures. Yet the determinants of citizen support for gender quota policies remain largely understudied. We develop a theory that emphasizes the impact of institutional performance and political values to explain citizen support for gender quotas and how these two factors differentially influence men’s and women’s quota support. Based on data for 24 Latin American countries, we find that citizens in countries with relatively good governance quality who express a strong preference for government involvement to improve citizens’ well-being show the highest levels of quota support. Further, whereas good governance increases quota support at a higher rate among men than women, preferences for government involvement exert a stronger influence on women’s support for quotas. Consequently, good governance quality reduces the gender gap in quota support by substantially increasing men’s support for quotas

Leaving the Devil You Know: Crime Victimization, US Deterrence Policy, and the Emigration Decision in Central America

Following a sharp increase in the number of border arrivals from the violence-torn countries of Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras in the spring and summer of 2014, the United States quickly implemented a strategy designed to prevent such surges by enhancing its detention and deportation efforts. In this article, we examine the emigration decision for citizens living in the high-crime contexts of northern Central America. First, through analysis of survey data across Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras, we explore the role crime victimization plays in leading residents of these countries to consider emigration. Next, using survey data collected across twelve municipalities in Honduras, we evaluate the extent to which knowledge of heightened US immigration deterrence efforts influenced respondents’ emigration decision. Though a vast majority of these respondents were aware of the stricter US immigration policy regime, this awareness had no effect on their consideration of emigration as a viable strategy

Leaving the Devil You Know: Crime Victimization, US Deterrence Policy, and the Emigration Decision in Central America

Following a sharp increase in the number of border arrivals from the violence-torn countries of Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras in the spring and summer of 2014, the United States quickly implemented a strategy designed to prevent such surges by enhancing its detention and deportation efforts. In this article, we examine the emigration decision for citizens living in the high-crime contexts of northern Central America. First, through analysis of survey data across Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras, we explore the role crime victimization plays in leading residents of these countries to consider emigration. Next, using survey data collected across twelve municipalities in Honduras, we evaluate the extent to which knowledge of heightened US immigration deterrence efforts influenced respondents’ emigration decision. Though a vast majority of these respondents were aware of the stricter US immigration policy regime, this awareness had no effect on their consideration of emigration as a viable strategy. En la primavera y verano de 2014, Estados Unidos implementó una estrategia diseñada para prevenir una nueva ola migratoria después de un aumento elevado en el número de personas provenientes de Guatemala, El Salvador, y Honduras, países marcados por la violencia tratando de cruzar la frontera entre México y Estados Unidos. Dicha estrategia estaba fundamentada en el endurecimiento de las medidas de detención y deportación. En este artículo examinamos los factores que conllevan a los ciudadanos que viven en el norte de Centroamérica en contextos de alta criminalidad a tomar la decisión de emigrar. Primero, por medio del análisis de datos de encuestas para los casos de Guatemala, El Salvador, y Honduras, examinamos el rol que juega la victimización por crimen en la intención de emigrar de los ciudadanos que viven en estos países. En un segundo paso, usando datos de una encuesta llevada a cabo en doce municipalidades en Honduras, evaluamos hasta qué punto el conocimiento sobre las medidas implementadas por los Estados Unidos para detener la inmigración influye en la decisión de emigrar de los ciudadanos que viven en estas municipalidades con altos índices de criminalidad. Los resultados en este caso muestran que, a pesar de que la gran mayoría de ciudadanos tiene conocimiento sobre el endurecimiento de la política migratoria estadounidense, éste no tiene ningún efecto en su intención de emigrar

La incidencia de las pandillas en los barrios salvadoreños y su efecto en la legitimidad política

Este artículo explora cómo la incidencia de las pandillas en los barrios salvadoreños erosiona la confianza en el gobierno nacional. Los resultados muestran que los niveles de confianza en el gobierno nacional varían de un barrio a otro, dependiendo de la vulnerabilidad de sus habitantes a la inseguridad generada por las pandillas. Se demuestra que, en barrios asediados por las pandillas, víctimas y no víctimas del crimen muestran niveles similares y bajos de confianza en el gobierno nacional. This article explores how the incidence of gangs in Salvadoran neighborhoods erodes trust in the national government. The results show that levels of trust in the national government vary from one neighborhood to another, depending on the vulnerability of its inhabitants to the insecurity generated by gangs. It is shown that, in neighborhoods besieged by gangs, victims and non-victims of crime show similar and low levels of trust in the national government

Do Multi-Party Municipal Councils Improve Local Governance? Municipal Councillors’ Opinions in El Salvador

As decentralisation reforms devolved greater responsibilities to local governments, improving local governance has become central to strengthening democracy. With the promise of increasing citizen representation and government transparency at the local level, in 2015 El Salvador implemented a new electoral system. The new system allowed for the election of opposition parties in municipal councils for the first time. In the context of El Salvador, we examine how opposition parties’ numerical representation influences the views of governing and opposition party members about multi-party councils’ effectiveness to improve local governance. To test our hypotheses, we rely on data from an original elite survey of 303 municipal councillors in 101 municipalities, which we complement with qualitative information. Contrary to what the literature suggests, we do not find evidence that a stronger opposition leads to more negative evaluations among members of governing parties, notwithstanding the country’s polarised party system