Impacts of organic farming on the rural economy RE0117

Organic farming has achieved a high profile in recent years. Although the 1,636 registered organic farmers in England account for less than 3% of the farm population, the market for organic produce is estimated to be worth some £1.2 billion. It has been argued that the growth in demand and supply of organic produce offers environmental benefits, health benefits and also benefits to the rural economy through stimulating employment and providing a basis for rural development. Against this background, the research on which this report is based sought to address the question of whether organic farming provides an additional benefit to the rural economy over and above that of conventional agriculture. The main objectives were to: 1. Review current state of knowledge of wider socio-economic impacts of organic farming through a review of literature and input of stakeholders via a panel of experts seminar. 2. Examine differences in the socio-economic footprint between organic and conventional farming in terms of pattern of sales and input purchases, quantity and ‘quality’ of labour inputs, integration with local socio-economic networks, contribution to tourism and rural development. 3. Examine differences in socio-economic footprint between different types of organic and conventional farms (following the approach outlined under Objective 2). 4. Develop policy implications in consultation with DEFRA and other stakeholders. In order to explore these issues a postal survey was conducted in 2004 of 655 organic and non-organic farmers in England and this was supplemented by in-depth face-to-face interviews with 22 farmers and stakeholders in three study areas in South West, Eastern and Northern England. For the purposes of the project, the definition of organic farming was based on certified compliance although it is recognised that organic farming can be much more than this. Additionally, by defining organic farming, remaining farms have been classified as non-organic although in reality non-organic farms exist on a spectrum of farming systems, some of which are ‘near-organic’. In terms of identifying and understanding benefits to the economy, the concept of a ‘socio-economic footprint’ has been developed to illustrate and measure the impact of different types of farm in terms of their economic activities, accessing of grant aid, connectedness to and participation in the local community. This is a much broader perspective than a traditional economic analysis and, as a consequence, the results of the research may be more complex. Impacts and characteristics Respondents to the survey spent a total of £65m in purchases (excluding labour) for their businesses and generated £90.5m in sales. At an aggregate level, organic farms spent less on purchases and generated a lower volume of sales. The organic sample was slightly smaller (302 compared to 353 non-organic farms) and when the value of sales is standardised and expressed on a per hectare basis, organic farms out-perform non-organic farms (generating average sales of £2,837 per ha compared to £1,953 per ha for non-organic farms). That said, it is increasingly recognised that in terms of economic impacts and rural development potential it is not just aggregate values that are important but also how closely businesses are linked to their local economies, so that the money spent is retained in the local economy and supports other businesses and individuals. This can be thought of as ‘economic connectivity’ and was explored through an analysis of the spatial pattern of sales and purchasing behaviour. In terms of both sales and purchases organic farms are not significantly more connected to the local economy. For example, on organic farms 29% of the total value of purchases and 19% of sales are made within ten miles of the farm compared to 27% and 27% respectively for non-organic farms. The definition of ‘local’ is clearly open to interpretation and if it is widened to encompass the county within which a farm business is located then a total of 72% of purchases and 57% of sales on organic farms were made ‘locally’ compared to 65% and 56% for non-organic farms. On the basis of this measure of economic impact and connectivity there is little difference between organic and non-organic farms. The results of this research largely confirm the results of previous studies in identifying a significant employment dividend associated with organic production. Organic farms accounted for 46% of the sample but 57% of all people employed in the sample. Standardising labour in terms of Full Time Equivalents (FTES) confirmed that, despite being smaller on average, organic farms employ more FTEs per hectare and per farm than non-organic farms. Moreover, they employ more non-family FTEs compared to their non-organic counterparts and it is only on organic farms that non-family FTEs exceeded family labour inputs. However, while employment is higher on organic farms a much greater proportion is accounted for by casual staff (50% compared to 33% for non-organic farms). This may be a reflection of the farm type structure of the two sub-samples as horticultural businesses account for a greater proportion of the organic sample (see the short and full reports for full details). Casual employment may offer flexibility to multiple job holding rural workers but by definition does not offer stability and may be associated with lower levels of pay. While the economic impacts and local economic connectivity of the two farming systems are broadly similar, the operators of the businesses and the way in which individual businesses are configured are significantly different. The people who operate organic farms are typically younger and more highly educated than their non-organic counterparts. On average, organic farmers are 6 years younger than their non-organic counterparts and 51% have a higher education qualification compared to 30% of non-organic farmers. In addition, a significant proportion have entered agriculture as an entirely new ‘career’ and did not come from a farming family. Many had never farmed in any other way but organically and had no intention of leaving organic farming in the foreseeable future. It is reasonable to assume that this distinctive group of organic farmers bring with them different skills and aptitudes and possibly also a different attitude to operating a farm business. They are more likely to run diversified enterprises than their non-organic counterparts and those enterprises are much more likely to be orientated away from providing services to the agricultural industry and instead are focused on processing and/or retailing. Further analysis revealed that farms operating direct sales enterprises have the most distinctive impact in terms of their contribution to rural development. Compared to other organic farmers they were younger, more highly educated and more likely to have diversified. All farms with direct sales recorded a higher value of sales per ha than farms where direct sales were absent but this was even more marked for organic farms. On average organic farms with direct sales generated sales of £4,983/ha compared to £3,249/ha for non-organic farms with direct sales, whilst all farms without direct sales generated sales of £1,654/ha. These farms also support a larger number of jobs as well as providing a more diverse range of employment opportunities. In addition to the readily quantifiable impacts noted above, the combination of organic production, in particular, with direct sales is associated with less easily quantifiable impacts that nevertheless represent a bonus to rural development and suggest the possibility of having a re-generative role in the community. Key here is the direct relationship with the consumer which often transforms the operation of the farm business in that it requires there to be trust between farmers and their customers. As well as connecting farmers and consumers in a more direct manner, direct sales are frequently associated with improved connections and collaboration between farmers as consumer demand almost always requires farms to act collectively. These networks of trust can help build broader feelings of reciprocity and solidarity. Consumers can feel that they are supporting and building a form of food production that they find to be superior from an environmental and or health perspective, or just convenient, or a combination of all of these. As a result, they can enter a new set of relationships with those who produce their food. In turn the producers, who are often already acutely aware of their dependency on consumers, can negotiate that relationship face-to-face with their customers. Organic status again acts as a bridge, a social shorthand, that helps customers and producers share a feeling of solidarity before entering into a relationship of relative interdependence. These feelings can be established outside the framework of organic agriculture, but the costs in terms of time and effort will be more considerable. Fellow feeling and mutual dependence strengthen the sense of community. Although the selling of food directly to the customer is not a complete answer to community development, it can make an important contribution. Implications The beneficial impacts identified in this research were associated with organic farms which operated a very different business model. Therefore it is recommended that a business reconfiguration package is developed to help farmers reconfigure their businesses to supply customers directly. In addition, given the shortage of external private capital in farming it is recommended that possibility of private co-financing to lever in funds from outside the farm sector is explored. A venture grant scheme could be facilitated with Defra acting as the broker introducing those willing to share both risk and reward with farmers wanting to reconfigure their businesses. Action should also be taken to recruit dynamic and pioneering farmers into a network of demonstration farms where the emphasis is on understanding the process of changing and sustaining the farm business rather than just the farm system. Finally, it is recommended that the concept of developing organic hubs is explored through an experimental pilot project. An organic hub would be a single site where organic infrastructure, including advice workers, is located. The hub could provide an organically certified small-scale abattoir, cold-storage unit and warehouse/pack-house facilities. The principle would be to establish a point where infrastructure was available to facilitate the building up of networks of smaller producers selling directly to the customer

The European Social Model and eastern enlargement

"The European Social Model (ESM) is increasingly becoming a model of integration policy. The idea is based on a combination of economic efficiency, in the sense of high productivity, competition and economic growth, and a high level of employment on the one hand together with social cohesion on the other hand. At the same time the ESM is understood as a dynamic model in evolution, whose development is influenced by global, European and national processes, including eastern enlargement. With the accession of the eight Central and Eastern European countries to the European Union, the economic and social disparities between the now 25 EU Member States have grown considerably. On the basis of theoretical and empirical literature this paper develops answers to the following questions in particular: will there be a gradual erosion of the ESM, are there prospects of convergence or are new vectors developing in the enlarged field of power? The authors reach the conclusion that the old and the new Member States, starting out from different historical experiences in the past decades and different levels of production and productivity, will have to withstand structurally similar challenges in the foreseeable future if they wish to achieve economic efficiency and social cohesion simultaneously. From the perspective of the new Member States, which come from an egalitarian tradition, there is every reason to believe that the majority of the population desires social cohesion and will demand it. Together with the diverse integration advantages of enlargement, a successful catching-up process in the new Member States provides good preconditions for the preservation and productive development of the ESM." (Author's abstract, IAB-Doku) ((en))EU-Osterweiterung, regionale Disparität, europäische Sozialpolitik, europäische Integration, Konvergenz, Arbeitsmarktentwicklung, Wirtschaftsentwicklung, Produktivitätsentwicklung, soziale Integration, Integrationspolitik, Leitbild, Europäische Union, Osteuropa, Mitteleuropa

Employment Status and Well-Being Among Young Individuals: Why Do We Observe Cross-Country Differences?

In this paper we analyse why in some countries the difference in subjective well-being between employed and unemployed young individuals is substantial, whereas in others it remains small. The strength of this relationship has important consequences, hence it affects the intensity of the job search by the unemployed as well as the retention and productivity of employees. In the analysis we are focused on youth and young adults who constitute a group particularly exposed to the risks of joblessness, precarious or insecure employment. We expect that in economies where young people are able to find jobs of good quality, the employment - well-being relationship tends to be stronger. However, this relationship also depends on the relative well-being of the young unemployed. Based on the literature on school-to-work transition we have identified macro-level factors shaping the conditions of labour market entry of young people (aged 15-35), which consequently affect their well-being. The estimation of multilevel regression models with the use of the combined dataset from the European Social Survey and macro-level databases has indicated that these are mainly education system characteristics (in particular vocational orientation and autonomy of schools) and labour market policy spending that moderate the employment–well-being relationship of young individuals

Diverses notes sur la dénomination des plantes de Hesse : huitième supplément à l’"Index synonymique de la flore de Hesse: Ptéridophytes et Spermatophytes"

Die seit dem siebten Nachtrag (November 2004) bekannt gewordenen Ergänzungen und Verbesserungen zum "Namensverzeichnis“ sind im achten Nachtrag zusammengefasst. Er umfasst mehrere neu beschriebene oder für Hessen neu entdeckte Sippen, ferner einige Fehlangaben und Korrekturen.Additions and improvements to the “Checklist” that have emerged since the publication of the seventh supplement (November 2004) have been compiled into an eighth supplement. Several taxa are included that have been newly described or recently discovered in Hesse. In addition, incorrect records have been revised and other corrections implemented.Les ajouts et les améliorations apportés à l’Index synonymique depuis la parution du septième supplément en novembre 2004 sont résumés dans le huitième supplément. Y sont inclus plusieurs taxons nouvellement décrits ou trouvés en Hesse, en outre quelques indications erronées et quelques corrections

Literaturberichte

In den „Literaturberichten“ werden Veröffentlichungen vorgestellt, die einen direkten oder indirekten Bezug zur hessischen Pflanzenwelt haben. Dabei sollen in erster Linie jene Arbeiten besprochen werden, in denen neue Forschungsergebnisse zur Taxonomie, Nomenklatur und Floristik enthalten sind. Daneben sollen andere Disziplinen wie etwa Pflanzengeographie und Pflanzensoziologie ebenfalls berücksichtigt werden

Note sur la date de publication de la "Flora der Gegend um Frankfurt am Main" de Johannes Becker

Der erste Band von Beckers „Flora der Gegend um Frankfurt am Main“ wurde zwischen dem 14. Oktober und dem 8. November 1827 publiziert. Dank einer Aktennotiz im Archiv der Wetterauischen Gesellschaft für die gesamte Naturkunde in Hanau kann das Erscheinungsdatum auf diesen Zeitraum eingeengt werden.The first volume of Becker’s “Flora der Gegend um Frankfurt am Main” (Flora in the Frankfurt am Main Region) was published between 14 October and 8 November 1827. The publication date can be attributed to this period based on a note in the archive of the “Wetterauische Gesellschaft für die gesamte Naturkunde” (Wetterau Natural History Society) in Hanau.Le premier volume de la « Flora der Gegend um Frankfurt am Main » de Becker a été publié entre le 14 octobre et le 8 novembre 1827. La précision de la date de publication est possible grâce à une note dans les comptes-rendus dans les archives de la « Wetterauische Gesellschaft für die gesamte Naturkunde » à Hanau

The name of the Burning Parsley

Der Revision von Leute folgend wird die Vereinigung von Cnidium und Selinum in einer Gattung befürwortet. Die in Deutschland einheimische Brenndolde hat dann korrekt Selinum dubium (SCHKUHR) LEUTE zu heißen.Following Leute’s revision, merging Cnidium in Selinum is recommended. Thus Selinum dubium (SCHKUHR) LEUTE is the correct name for the Cnidium species native in Germany