Women leaders in local government in the United Kingdom

This article draws upon research undertaken in the United Kingdom in 2006 which examined aspects of the ‘leadership’ roles and functions of female and male councillors. The article highlights the continued under representation of women in terms of the proportion of councillors who are women, and the ‘gender gap’ that exists in terms of council leadership and the portfolios that men and women hold on council cabinets or executives. It moves on to a consideration of qualitative evidence that suggests that there are similarities and differences in the way that female and male councillors in leadership positions perceive of their roles and styles

One Nation Conservatism and social policy, 1951-64

This article considers the nature and development of One Nation Conservatism during the period most closely associated with the term. It draws on the original writings of the One Nation Group and the policies pursued by the Conservative governments of the time to suggest that the ideas of the One Nation Group were not as closely linked with Conservative policies as is sometimes implied. Indeed, the views of members of the One Nation Group varied considerably and later views of One Nation Conservatism have been shaped by a number of factors in addition to the work of the Group

MPs' attitudes to welfare: a new consensus?

The post-war ‘consensus’ on welfare was based largely in the perceived agreement of leading politicians of Conservative and Labour parties on the role of the mixed economy and the welfare state. However, from the late 1970s economic and demographic pressures and ideological challenges, particularly from the New Right, led to cuts in spending on welfare, increased private involvement and an emphasis on more individualistic and selectivist approaches to provision. Recently some scholars have begun to discuss the emergence of a ‘new liberal consensus’ around welfare provision. Drawing upon interviews with ten per cent of the House of Commons, this article examines the extent to which a new political consensus upon welfare can be identified. In addition to analysing responses to questions upon welfare issues it considers the extent to which MPs themselves believe there to be some degree of consensus in approaches to welfare. It also considers whether any consensus exists merely in the political language used in relation to welfare issues, or whether there is a more substantive convergence

A question of expertise: the House of Lords and welfare policy

The expertise of its members is often cited as one of the distinctive features of the House of Lords. In particular it is frequently argued that because of its composition, and in particular the existence of the Crossbench Peers, debates in the Lords are more informed than in the Commons. Peers, it has been claimed, bring professional experience and expertise to the scrutiny of legislation, and have the time to maintain their expertise, in contrast to the Commons, where MPs, because of the demands of re-election and constituency business, are sometimes seen as being required to know a little about a wide range of subjects. Moreover, the presumed expertise of the Upper House has also been central to debates about the reform of the House of Lords, with assertions that any further reform should retain the Lords’ ability to provide distinctive and informed scrutiny. Drawing on a series of interviews with a large sample of MPs and Peers this article seeks to examine what is meant by parliamentary expertise by focusing on one particular policy area – welfare. It seeks to explore the nature of parliamentary expertise on welfare in both Houses, and suggests that in the field of welfare the Upper House may, in fact, be less expert than the House of Commons

Safe as houses? Conservative social policy, public opinion and Parliament

Social policy is of key importance to contemporary society, accounting for two thirds of public expenditure and, through provision such as the NHS, pensions, benefits, schools, universities and social care, touching on the lives of much of the population on a daily basis. It has also been one of the areas where the Conservative party have sought to change their image, and to some extent policies, under David Cameron. Drawing upon a range of evidence, including interviews with more than ten per cent of the House of Commons and the House of Lords, this article examines the potential challenges for a Conservative government of either stance, focusing on the extent of possible support for the Conservatives' approach to social policy amongst three key groups: the public, MPs, and members of the House of Lords

Power without representation? The House of Lords and social policy

In the past the House of Lords has generally, and arguably for good reasons, been ignored in discussions of the making and scrutiny of welfare. However, it has always played some role in this field, particularly in the scrutiny and passage of legislation, and since the removal of hereditary Peers in 1999, some writers have argued that the House has become more assertive. This article examines the attitudes of Peers, including a comparison with the views of Members of Parliament, and draws a number of conclusions about the role of the upper House in relation to social policy

A quiet revolution: STV and the Scottish Council elections of 2007

This article examines the introduction of the single transferable vote for the Scottish council elections of 2007. It suggests that the new system had a variety of effects barely-noticed by the media – there was, indeed, a quiet revolution – and that these will resonate in Scottish local government and politics for a long time to come

Attitudes to welfare amongst newly elected MPs

The 2010 general election which led to the establishment of the first coalition government at Westminster for over sixty years, also saw the largest turnover of MPs since the Second World War with the election of 227 new MPs, thirty-five per cent of the House of Commons. This paper examines attitudes to welfare amongst the newly elected MPs and provides some comparative data on attitudes to welfare in the previous parliament. Drawing on interviews with a target sample of ten per cent of newly elected MPs, it examines MPs’ attitudes towards the role of the state in welfare and the extent of parliamentary support for welfare reform, both within the Coalition parties and across the House of Commons. The paper also draws upon earlier research by the authors which examined MPs’ attitudes to welfare during the 2005-2010 parliament. That research suggested that in the previous parliament there was evidence of some cross-party consensus in MPs’ attitudes to welfare, with a general convergence around the idea of more selective and targeted approach to welfare provision, and support for a mixture of public and private provision. However, it also revealed that the attitudes of MPs first elected in 2005 were somewhat more polarised than among their longer serving colleagues. This paper will seek to determine whether the attitudes of the, much larger, intake of the 2010 election are more or less polarised, and what impact this might have on the government’s welfare reform agenda and beyond

The Conservatives, the Coalition and welfare reform: attitudes to social policy amongst newly elected MPs

The 2010 general election, which led to the establishment of the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government, also saw the largest turnover of MPs since the Second World War, with the election of 227 new MPs, thirty-five per cent of the House of Commons. Focusing primarily on the Conservative Party, although also looking more broadly across the House, this paper examines attitudes to social policy amongst the newly elected MPs. Drawing on interviews with an eventual sample of ten per cent of newly elected MPs, it examines their attitudes towards the role of the state in social policy, and the extent of parliamentary support for reform, within the Conservative Party, their Coalition partners, and across the House of Commons. The paper also draws upon earlier research by the authors, which examined MPs’ attitudes to social policy during the 2005-2010 parliament, to provide some comparative data on attitudes in the previous parliament, including, for example, whether there is any significant difference between MPs elected in 2010 and their longer serving colleagues

Political literacy

This chapter draws upon a range of ideas and debates and seeks to place these in the context of ‘political literacy’ as defined in the Crick Report: ‘… learning about and how to make themselves effective in public life through knowledge, skills and values…'. ‘Political literacy’ is therefore not simply concerned with describing or even analysing political institutions and government, but is about being able to have an input and being able to exercise rights and responsibilities. Although, as noted elsewhere, the Crick Report (1998: 11) identified three main areas for ‘effective education for citizenship’ – social and moral responsibility, community involvement and political literacy – there is considerable overlap between concerns with ‘political literacy’ and concerns with ‘active citizenship’, and, indeed, for many people there is little or no distinction to be made between the two. This chapter therefore inevitably draws upon ideas and debates from the wider agenda, although it seeks to place these in the context of ‘political literacy’ as defined in the Crick Report (1998: 13