38 research outputs found

    Ballot secrecy concerns and voter mobilization: new experimental evidence about message source, context, and the duration of mobilization effects

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    Recent research finds that doubts about the integrity of the secret ballot as an institution persist among the American public. We build on this finding by providing novel field experimental evidence about how information about ballot secrecy protections can increase turnout among registered voters who had not previously voted. First, we show that a private group’s mailing designed to address secrecy concerns modestly increased turnout in the highly contested 2012 Wisconsin gubernatorial recall election. Second, we exploit this and an earlier field experiment conducted in Connecticut during the 2010 congressional midterm election season to identify the persistent effects of such messages from both governmental and non-governmental sources. Together, these results provide new evidence about how message source and campaign context affect efforts to mobilize previous non-voters by addressing secrecy concerns, as well as show that attempting to address these beliefs increases long term participation

    Self-interest, beliefs, and policy opinions: understanding how economic beliefs affect immigration policy preferences

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    Research on how economic factors affect attitudes toward immigration often focuses on labor market effects, concluding that, because workers’ skill levels do not predict opposition to low- versus highly skilled immigration, economic self-interest does not shape policy attitudes. We conduct a new survey to measure beliefs about a range of economic, political, and cultural consequences of immigration. When economic self-interest is broadened to include concerns about the fiscal burdens created by immigration, beliefs about these economic effects strongly correlate with immigration attitudes and explain a significant share of the difference in support for highly versus low-skilled immigration. Although cultural factors are important, our results suggest that previous work underestimates the importance of economic self-interest as a source of immigration policy preferences and attitudes more generally

    Subtle linguistic cues may not affect voter behavior: new evidence

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    One of the most important recent developments in social psychology is the discovery of minor interventions that have large and enduring effects on behavior. A leading example of this class of results is Bryan et al. (2011), which shows that administering a set of survey items worded so that subjects think of themselves as voters (noun treatment) rather than as voting (verb treatment) substantially increases political participation (voter turnout) among subjects. We revisit these experiments by replicating and extending their research design in a large-scale field experiment. In contrast to the 11 to 14 percentage point greater turnout among those exposed to the noun rather than verb treatment reported in Bryan et al. (2011), we find no statistically significant difference in turnout between the noun and verb treatments (the point estimate of the difference is approximately zero). Further, when we benchmark these treatments against a standard get-outthe- vote message, we find that both are less effective at increasing turnout than a much shorter basic mobilization message. In sum, in our experiments, we find no evidence that describing a subject as a voter rather than as voting has a positive relative or absolute effect on subject behavior. In our conclusion, we detail how our study differs from Bryan et al. (2011) and discuss how our results might be interpreted

    Reporting guidelines for experimental research: A report from the experimental research section standards committee.

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    The standards committee of the Experimental Research section was charged with preparing a set of reporting guidelines for experimental research in political science. The committee defined its task as compiling a set of guidelines sufficient to enable the reader or reviewer to follow what the researcher had done and to assess the validity of the conclusions the researcher had drawn. Although the guidelines do request the reporting of some basic statistics, they do not attempt to weigh in on statistical controversies. Rather, they aim for something more modest but nevertheless crucial: to ensure that scholars clearly describe what it is they did at each step in their research and clearly report what their data show. In this paper, we discuss the rationale for reporting guidelines and the process used to formulate the specific guidelines we endorse. The guidelines themselves are included in Appendix 1

    Can political participation prevent crime? Results from a field experiment about citizenship, participation, and criminality

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    Democratic theory and prior empirical work support the view that political participation, by promoting social integration and pro-social attitudes, reduces one’s propensity for anti-social behavior, such as committing a crime. Previous investigations examine observational data, which are vulnerable to bias if omitted factors affect both propensity to participate and risk of criminality or their reports.A field experiment encouraging 552,525 subjects aged 18-20 to register and vote confirms previous observational findings of the negative association between participation and subsequent criminality. However, comparing randomly formed treatment and control groups reveals that the intervention increased participation but did not reduce subsequent criminality. Our results suggest that while participation is correlated with criminality, it exerts no causal effect on subsequent criminal behavior

    Does incarceration reduce voting? Evidence about the political consequences of spending time in prison

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    The rise in mass incarceration provides a growing impetus to understand the effect that interactions with the criminal justice system have on political participation. While a substantial body of prior research studies the political consequences of criminal disenfranchisement, less work examines why eligible ex-felons vote at very low rates. We use administrative data on voting and interactions with the criminal justice system from Pennsylvania to assess whether the association between incarceration and reduced voting is causal. Using administrative records that reduce the possibility of measurement error, we employ several different research designs to investigate the possibility that the observed negative correlation between incarceration and voting might result from differences across individuals that both lead to incarceration and low participation. As this selection bias issue is addressed, we find that the estimated effect of serving time in prison on voting falls dramatically and for some research designs vanishes entirely

    Ouabain Stimulates a Na+/K+-ATPase-Mediated SFK-Activated Signalling Pathway That Regulates Tight Junction Function in the Mouse Blastocyst

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    The Na+/K+-ATPase plays a pivotal role during preimplantation development; it establishes a trans-epithelial ionic gradient that facilitates the formation of the fluid-filled blastocyst cavity, crucial for implantation and successful pregnancy. The Na+/K+-ATPase is also implicated in regulating tight junctions and cardiotonic steroid (CTS)-induced signal transduction via SRC. We investigated the expression of SRC family kinase (SFK) members, Src and Yes, during preimplantation development and determined whether SFK activity is required for blastocyst formation. Embryos were collected following super-ovulation of CD1 or MF1 female mice. RT-PCR was used to detect SFK mRNAs encoding Src and Yes throughout preimplantation development. SRC and YES protein were localized throughout preimplantation development. Treatment of mouse morulae with the SFK inhibitors PP2 and SU6656 for 18 hours resulted in a reversible blockade of progression to the blastocyst stage. Blastocysts treated with 10βˆ’3 M ouabain for 2 or 10 minutes and immediately immunostained for phosphorylation at SRC tyr418 displayed reduced phosphorylation while in contrast blastocysts treated with 10βˆ’4 M displayed increased tyr418 fluorescence. SFK inhibition increased and SFK activation reduced trophectoderm tight junction permeability in blastocysts. The results demonstrate that SFKs are expressed during preimplantation development and that SFK activity is required for blastocyst formation and is an important mediator of trophectoderm tight junction permeability

    Replication Data for: Does Threatening their Franchise Make Registered Voters More Likely to Participate? Evidence from an Aborted Voter Purge

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    Prior research predicts that election administration changes that increase voting costs should decrease participation, but it fails to consider that some interpret those changes as attacking their franchise. Drawing on psychological reactance theory, we test whether such perceived attacks might instead activate such citizens. We leverage the State of Florida’s multi-stage effort in 2012 to purge suspected noncitizens from its voter rolls, comparing the voting rates of suspected noncitizens whose registration was and was not formally challenged by the state. Within-registrant difference-in-difference and matching analyses estimate a positive, significant participatory effect of being challenged, particularly for Hispanics (the vast majority of our sample). Placebo tests show those challenged were no more likely than those not challenged to previously vote

    Why don’t people vote in U.S. primary elections? Assessing theoretical explanations for reduced participation.

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    Primary election participation in the United States is consistently lower than general election turnout. Despite this well-documented voting gap, our knowledge is limited as to the individuallevel factors that explain why some general election voters do not show up for primary contests. We provide important insights into this question, using a novel new survey to examine three theoretical perspectives on participation never before empirically applied to primary races. Compared to general elections, we find that for U.S. House primary elections sizable segments of the electorate consider the stakes lower and the costs of voting greater, feel less social pressure to turn out and hold exclusionary beliefs about who should participate, and are more willing to defer to those who know and care more about the contests. Multivariate analysis reveals that these attitudes explain validated primary election participation. These findings point to new directions for future research
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