The influence of loanwords on Norwegian and English stress

Rice (2006) presents a unified analysis of Norwegian word stress that applies equally to native words and to loanwords. In this analysis, stress is oriented to the right edge of the word, which suggests that the loanwords were responsible for changing what was originally a left-oriented grammar of stress. In this paper I consider a similar reorientation that took place in the history of English, also under the influence of Romance loanwords. Closer examination shows that the two cases appear to be different. Many loanwords of the sort that caused a change in Norwegian entered Middle English without causing any significant change in English stress. It was only in the Early Modern English period that the loanwords were able to impose a right-oriented stress pattern on English. Rice (2006) observes that the loanwords were able to change the Norwegian stress pattern without overtly contradicting the native words; that is, the loanwords could make a change only in aspects of the grammar where the native words were ambiguous. I argue that this principle also accounts for the English case

The arch not the stones: Universal feature theory without universal features

There is a growing consensus that phonological features are not innate, but rather emerge in the course of acquisition. If features are emergent, we need to explain why they are required at all, and what principles account for the way they function in the phonology. I propose that the learners’ task is to arrive at a set of features that account for the con­trasts and the phonological activity in their language. For the content of the features, learners use the available materials relevant to the modality (spoken or signed). Formally, contrasts are governed by an ordered feature hierarchy. The concept of a contrastive hierarchy is an innate part of Universal Grammar, and is the glue that binds phono­logical representations and makes them appear similar across languages. Examples from the Classical Manchu vowel system show the connection between contrast and phonological activity. I then consider the implications of this approach for the acquisition of phonological representations. The relationship between formal contrastive hierarchies and phonetic substance is illustrated with examples drawn from tone systems in Chinese dialects. Finally, I propose that the contrastive hierarchy has a recursive digital character, like other aspects of the narrow faculty of language

Contrast and asymmetries in inventories

One source of asymmetry in phonology derives from the contrastive function of features. I assume that feature specifications are driven by considerations of contrast. In order to distinguish between contrastive and redundant specifica-tions, it is necessary to specify the relative scope, or ordering, of each feature. This ordering determines a contrastive hierarchy. Different contrastive hier-archies create different asymmetries in inventories, and thus different expecta-tions as to how the system will pattern. I will briefly review the history of the contrastive hierarchy, and illustrate it with respect to synchronic and dia-chronic patterns in the vowel systems of the Manchu languages.

Contrast and Phonological Activity in the Nez Perce Vowel System

Proceedings of the Twenty-Ninth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society: General Session and Parasession on Phonetic Sources of Phonological Patterns: Synchronic and Diachronic Explanations (2003

Phonological Contrast and Phonetics in Manchu Vowel Systems

Proceedings of the Twenty-Ninth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society: General Session and Parasession on Phonetic Sources of Phonological Patterns: Synchronic and Diachronic Explanations (2003

Non-zero-sum Dresher inspection games

Dedicated to the memory of Eckhard Hopnger (1941{1990