Do Non-standard Working Hours Cause Negative Health Effects? Some Evidence from Panel Data

What does the around-the-clock economic activity mean for workers’ health? Despite the fact that non-standard work accounts for an increasing share of the job opportunities, relatively little is known about the potential consequences for health and the existing evidence is ambiguous. In this paper I examine the relationship between non-standard job schedules and workers’ physical and mental health outcomes using longitudinal data from the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia (HILDA). Specifically, the four health indicators considered are self-rated health and the SF-36 health indices for general health, mental health and physical functioning. In terms of direction of the effects, overall results generally suggest a negative relationship between non-standard work schedules and better health for both males and females. Regarding the statistical significance and magnitudes of the effects, however, we observe apparent differences between males and females. Among females, most of the coefficients in all models are statistically insignificant, which implies very small magnitudes in terms of the correlation between non-standard working hours and health. These results apply uniformly to all health measures investigated. Among males, on the other hand, the negative relationship is more noticeable for self-rated health, general health and physical functioning than for mental health. The pooled OLS and random effects coefficients are usually larger in magnitude and more significant than the fixed effects parameters. Nonetheless, even the more significant coefficients, fortunately, do not imply large effects in absolute terms.Non-standard work, physical health, mental health

Consumption Patterns around the Time of Retirement: Evidence from the Consumer Expenditure Surveys

This study,using the Consumer Expenditure Surveys from 1984 through 1998, revisits the widely pronounced retirement-savings puzzle, which claims the existence of a sharp drop in consumption at the time of retirement. In contrast to previous work, I find that consumption of the retired households is consistent with the smoothing behavior implied by the conventional permanent income/life-cycle models. The results present evidence that the elderly actually do not reduce their standard of living around the time of retirement due to a shortage in savings or some other reasons. While the evidence does not favor a dramatic drop in consumption, the composition of consumption changes significantly as households move into the retirement period. The difference between the results of this study and those of the previous work is mainly driven by the fact that I use a comprehensive measure of consumption that includes not only nondurables and services but also service flows from housing and durables. Moreover, using detailed information on the prices faced by the households yields a more accurate measure of household consumptionConsumption, Well-being of the Elderly, Retirement

Wealth Holdings and Portfolio Allocation of Older Couples: The Role of Spouses’ Marital History

This paper analyses the role of the elderly couples’ past marital history in determining their current wealth holdings and portfolio allocation using data from the first wave of the Health and Retirement Study. The results suggest that, for those who remarry after divorce, there is recovery from the negative shocks of marital breakdowns, which occur earlier in the life cycle. While the net cost of divorce in terms of household wealth accumulation is higher for men than it is for women, in the “long run” it turns out to be statistically insignificant for both gender groups. Therefore, the elderly couples’ marital history plays a minor role in explaining the dispersion in their wealth holdings near the end of the life cycle. However, the results also show that both the probability of owning a particular asset and the fraction of net worth allocated to that asset might significantly vary depending on the elderly couples’ marital experience. Most importantly, the couples in which the spouses have divorced before invest relatively heavily on non-housing assets rather than owner occupied housing. The further analysis of financial wealth only yields that the ownership and allocation of financial assets are not affected in a major significant way.wealth, portfolio allocation, elderly, marital history

Wealth holdings and portfolio allocation of older couples: the role of spouses' marital history

This paper analyses the role of the elderly couples’ past marital history in determining their current wealth holdings and portfolio allocation using data from the first wave of the Health and Retirement Study. The results suggest that, for those who remarry after divorce, there is recovery from the negative shocks of marital breakdowns, which occur earlier in the life cycle. While the net cost of divorce in terms of household wealth accumulation is higher for men than it is for women, in the “long run” it turns out to be statistically insignificant for both gender groups. Therefore, the elderly couples’ marital history plays a minor role in explaining the dispersion in their wealth holdings near the end of the life cycle. However, the results also show that both the probability of owning a particular asset and the fraction of net worth allocated to that asset might significantly vary depending on the elderly couples’ marital experience. Most importantly, the couples in which the spouses have divorced before invest relatively heavily on non-housing assets rather than owner occupied housing. The further analysis of financial wealth only yields that the ownership and allocation of financial assets are not affected in a major significant way

Machiavelli versus concave utility functions: should bads be spread out or concentrated?

Is wellbeing higher if the same number of negative events is spread out rather than bunched in time? Should positive events be spread out or bunched? We answer these questions exploiting quarterly data on six positive and twelve negative life events in the Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia panel. Accounting for selection, anticipation, and adaptation, we find a tipping point when it comes to negative events: once people experience about two negative events, their wellbeing depreciates disproportionally as more and more events occur in a given period. For positive events, effects are weakly decreasing in size. So for a person's wellbeing both the good and the bad should be spread out rather than bunched in time, corresponding to the classic economic presumption of concave utility rather than Machiavelli's prescript of inflicting all injuries at once. Yet, differences are small, with complete smoothing of all negative events over all people and periods calculated to yield no more than a 12% reduction in the total negative wellbeing impact of negative events

Air Pollution and Infant Mortality: Evidence from the Expansion of Natural Gas Infrastructure

We would like to thank Laura Arygs, Ala Cubukcu, and the seminar participants at the Queen

The Robustness of the Different Health Measures with Respect to Life Style Choices

Do different health variables measure the same thing? In this paper we investigate the robustness of the effects of life-style choices on (1) self-assessed general health status, (2)problems with undertaking daily tasks and chores, (3) mental health indicators, (4) BMI, (5) the presence of serious long-term health conditions, and (6) mortality. The lifestyle choices we consider are regular exercise, being a smoker and the amount of alcohol consumed. We furthermore distinguish between short-run effects and long-run effects, and estimate both ordinal models and cardinal models. We estimate the models using longitudinal data drawn from the US Health and Retirement Study (HRS) between 1992 and 2002. We find surprisingly large differences in effects of lifestyle on the health measures and a general lack of consistency between our measures. Exercise is found to significantly reduce mortality both in the short and long-run, but it has little effect on stated health or doctor-assessed health measures. Importantly, smoking is found to have a long-run effect on mortality, but smoking improves self-stated health, reduces the problems individuals have with doing daily chores, improves mental health, reduces the number of measured serious illnesses and reduces Body Mass Index (BMI). Finally, we find no short-run or long-run benefits of income or wealth, implying that the effect of wealth and income would have to work via the increased levels of exercise and reduced levels of smoking associated with higher income and wealth levels

Household composition and housing expenditures in rental-occupied and owner-occupied markets

This article examines the relationship between household compositions and housing expenditures in rental-occupied and owner-occupied markets. The author finds that renters allocate their budget proportionately between housing and nonhousing goods for an additional household member, leaving the budget share of housing expenditures unchanged. For homeowners, nevertheless, an extra member implies a reduction in housing expenditures as a share of total budget. Although age and gender compositions turn out to be significant in determining the budget share of housing expenditures for renters, they play no major role for homeowners. And although an increase in the number of working members for renters significantly reduces the share of budget spent on housing, it has no significant impact for their owner counterparts. Moreover, keeping total expenditures constant, the main income source of the head of the household does not make any difference in terms of resource allocation across housing and nonhousing goods for both renters and owners.<br /