5 research outputs found

    Foot problems of female medical personnelSubjective complaints and results of the podometric test

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    The research was carried out in a multi-profile clinic where female medical workers included nurses, doctors and nurse assistants. The number of respondents included in the data analysis of this research was 102. A standardised questionnaire was used to obtain data on age group, position, body mass index, physical activities, ergonomic factors at work, performed objective foot examination methods, awareness of the ways of feet deformation correction. A computerised foot diagnostic system Pad Professional was used to objectively assess the feet condition. The podometric examination was carried out on 78 respondents. The data indicated a widespread foot problem spread among medical workers. Of 102 respondents only 10 (4.2%) had no complaints, and of 78 respondents who underwent the podometric test, none were diagnosed as having a totally healthy foot. The podometric examination showed that 65 (83.3%), which was the vast majority of respondents, had transverse arch flattening. Explicit transverse arch flattening was diagnosed in 8 (10.3%) and longitudinal arch flattening in 5 (6.4%) respondents.publishersversionPeer reviewe

    Evolution of the US Deterrence of Chinaā€™s Aggression to Taiwan during the Presidency of Donald Trump

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    Starptautiskās attiecÄ«bas - Eiropas studijasSocioloÄ£ija, politoloÄ£ija un antropoloÄ£ijaInternational Relations - European StudiesSociology, Politics and AnthropologyBakalaura darba tēma ir ā€œASV Ä«stenotās Ķīnas atturÄ“Å”anas no agresijas pret Taivānu evolÅ«cija Donalda Trampa prezidentÅ«ras laikāā€. Tēmas aktualitāti nosaka ne tikai Ķīnas Tautas Republikas (turpmāk tekstā ā€“ Ķīna) politiskās un ekonomiskās ietekmes pieaugums starptautiskajā vidē, bet arÄ« ASV ārpolitikas kursa un prioritāŔu maiņa. Otrkārt, Ŕī tēma Ä«paÅ”i aktualizējās lÄ«dz ar Donalda Trampa ievēlÄ“Å”anu ASV prezidenta amatā. ASV attiecÄ«bas ar Ķīnu kļuva saspringtākas, bet ar Ķīnas Republiku (turmāk tekstā ā€“ Taivāna) ā€“ intensÄ«vākas, Ŕādi izraisot Ķīnas neapmierinātÄ«bu un attiecÄ«bu saasinājumu arÄ« ASV, Ķīnas un Taivānas trÄ«sstÅ«rÄ«. Darbā izvirzÄ«tā hipotēze ā€“ ASV Ä«stenotā Ķīnas atturÄ“Å”anas politika no agresijas pret Taivānu Trampa prezidentÅ«ras laikā mainÄ«jās no atturÄ“Å”anas ar noliegÅ”anu un sodÄ«Å”anu uz atturÄ“Å”anu ar sodÄ«Å”anu, vienlaikus samazinoties atturÄ“Å”anas ticamÄ«bai. Hipotēzes pārbaudÄ«Å”anai tika noteikts, ka teorētiskā ietvara pamatā ir atturÄ“Å”ana. EmpÄ«riskās daļas izstrāde tika veikta, izmantojot dokumentu analÄ«zes metodi. Pirmā nodaļa ir veltÄ«ta teorētiskajam ietvaram, tādēļ pirmajā apakÅ”nodaļā ir aprakstÄ«ta klasiskā atturÄ“Å”ana, savukārt otrajā ā€“ perfektā atturÄ“Å”ana, izceļot atturÄ“Å”anas ticamÄ«bu, atturÄ“Å”anu ar sodÄ«Å”anu un noliegÅ”anu. Darba otrajā nodaļā tiek analizēts, kādi faktori ietekmēja ASV atturÄ“Å”anas pieejas veidoÅ”anos un attÄ«stÄ«bu 20.gs., un Ä«sumā tiek aprakstÄ«ts, kā atturÄ“Å”ana attÄ«stÄ«jās jau 21.gs. lÄ«dz Baraka Obamas prezidentÅ«ras beigām. Savukārt treÅ”ajā nodaļā tiek pētÄ«ts, kā izmainÄ«jās un funkcionēja ASV atturÄ“Å”anas politika pēc D. Trampa stāŔanās prezidenta amatā un kā Ŕīs izmaiņas ietekmēja atturÄ“Å”anas ticamÄ«bu. Tika secināts, ka pēc D. Trampa stāŔanās amatā ASV mainÄ«ja atturÄ“Å”anu no atturÄ“Å”anas ar noliegÅ”anu un sodÄ«Å”anu uz atturÄ“Å”anu ar sodÄ«Å”anu ā€“ abu pieeju vietā uzsvars mainÄ«jās par labu atturÄ“Å”anai ar sodÄ«Å”anu. Par to liecināja vairāki faktori: 4 gadu laikā katru gadu tika noslēgti apjomÄ«gi ieroču tirdzniecÄ«bas darÄ«jumi, pirmoreiz kopÅ” 1992.gada iekļaujot arÄ« F-16 iznÄ«cinātājus; tika pieņemta virkne Taivānai labvēlÄ«gu likumprojektu; oficiālo amatpersonu vizÄ«Å”u skaits palielinājās; ASV ārpolitikas kursa maiņas attiecÄ«bā pret Ķīnu un tirdzniecÄ«bas kara kontekstā, ASV izrādÄ«ja lielāku atbalstu Taivānai ikreiz, kad starp valstÄ«m bija nesaskaņas. Rezultātā darbÄ«bas un pieņemtie lēmumi liecināja par atbalstu Taivānai, atspoguļojot neapmierinātÄ«bu un cenÅ”oties sodÄ«t Ķīnu. Tāpat tika secināts, ka, par spÄ«ti lielākai iesaistei Taivānas jautājumā, atturÄ“Å”anas ticamÄ«ba mazinājās, kas ir saistÄ«ts ar ārpolitikas kursa maiņu pret Ķīnu, D. Trampa retoriku un uzskatiem par aliansēm, kā arÄ« droŔības garantiju raksturu.Topic of this thesis is ā€œEvolution of the US Deterrence of Chinaā€™s Aggression to Taiwan during the Presidency of Donald Trumpā€. The relevance of the topic is determined not only by the growth of political and economic influence of the People's Republic of China (further - China) in the international environment, but also by the change in foreign policy course and priorities of the US. Secondly, this topic has become especially essential since the election of Donald Trump as President of the US. The US' relations with China became tense, but relations with the Republic of China (further in text - Taiwan) intensified, which led to China's discontent and an escalation of relations in the USA-China-Taiwan triangle. The hypothesis put forward in this paper - US deterrence policy from Chinese aggression against Taiwan during the presidency of Trump changed from deterrence by denial and punishment to deterrence by punishment, while the credibility of deterrence decreased. To test the hypothesis the theoretical framework is based on deterrence concept. The development of empirical part was performed using the method of document analysis. The first chapter is devoted to theoretical framework and first subchapter describes classical deterrence, while the second - perfect deterrence, emphasizing the credibility of deterrence, deterrence by punishment and denial. The second chapter analyzes factors that influenced the formation, development of US deterrence approach in the 20th century, and briefly describes how deterrence developed in the beginning of 21st century until the end of Barack Obamaā€™s presidency. The third chapter examines how deterrence policy changed and functioned after D. Trump took office and how it affected the credibility of deterrence. It was concluded that after Trump's inauguration, the US deterrence policy changed from deterrence by denial and punishment to deterrence by punishment. This was evidenced by some facts: annually, large arms sales were made for 4 years, including F-16 fighter jets for the first time since 1992; a number of Taiwan-friendly bills were passed; the number of visits by officials has increased; in the context of the change in US foreign policy towards China and the trade war, the US showed greater support for Taiwan whenever disagreements arose between countries. As a result, the actions taken are indicative of Taiwan's support, reflecting discontent and attempts to punish China. It was also concluded that, despite increased involvement in the Taiwan issue, the credibility of deterence has decreased due to changes in foreign policy towards China, Trump's rhetoric, views on alliances, and the nature of security guarantees

    Human rights narrative of the People's Republic of China at the UN Human Rights Council during the presidency of Xi Jinping

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    Starptautiskās attiecÄ«bas un diplomātijaSocioloÄ£ija, politoloÄ£ija un antropoloÄ£ijaInternational Relations and DiplomacySociology, Politics and AnthropologyMaÄ£istra darba tēma ir ā€œÄ¶Ä«nas Tautas Republikas cilvēktiesÄ«bu naratÄ«vs ANO CilvēktiesÄ«bu padomē Sji Dziņpina prezidentÅ«ras laikāā€. Tēmas aktualitāti nosaka vairāki faktori. Pirmkārt, Ķīnas Tautas Republikas (turpmāk tekstā ā€“ Ķīna vai ĶTR) attÄ«stÄ«ba un politiskā, ekonomiskā, militārā spēka pieaugÅ”ana spēlēs bÅ«tisku lomu starptautisko attiecÄ«bu attÄ«stÄ«bā turpmāk. Otrkārt, jau Å”obrÄ«d Ķīna cenÅ”as panākt sev labvēlÄ«gu izmaiņu ievieÅ”anu starptautiskajā politikā, tā arvien aktÄ«vāk iesaistās starptautisko organizāciju darbā, veido jaunas partnerÄ«bas un dažādus sadarbÄ«bas mehānismus. TreÅ”kārt, cilvēktiesÄ«bas Sji Dziņpina (Xi Jinping) prezidentÅ«ras laikā ir oficiāli kļuvuÅ”as par valsts ārpolitikas un Ķīnas Komunistiskās partijas prioritātēm, kas pastiprina cilvēktiesÄ«bu jautājuma aktualitāti ne tikai Ķīnā, bet arÄ« visā pasaulē. Å Ä« darba mērÄ·is ir izpētÄ«t, kāds ir ĶTR mērÄ·is normalizēt vai standartizēt tās noformulēto cilvēktiesÄ«bu naratÄ«vu ANO CilvēktiesÄ«bu padomē Sji Dziņpina prezidentÅ«ras laikā. Darbā izvirzÄ«tā hipotēze - ĶTR ir noformulēts cilvēktiesÄ«bu naratÄ«vs, ko tā cenÅ”as normalizēt ANO CilvēktiesÄ«bu padomē, ar mērÄ·i ieviest savu redzējumu par nākotnes globālo attÄ«stÄ«bu. Lai pārbaudÄ«tu hipotēzi, tika noteikts, ka teorētiskā ietvara pamatā ir sociālais konstruktÄ«visms. EmpÄ«riskās daļas izstrāde tika veikta, izmantojot dokumentu un naratÄ«vu analÄ«zes metodi, analizējot Ķīnas iniciētās un sponsorētas rezolÅ«cijas ANO CilvēktiesÄ«bu padomē kopÅ” 2014. gada. Darba gaitā tika identificēti kopumā seÅ”i Ķīnas veidotie naratÄ«vi Padomē. Balstoties uz identificētajiem naratÄ«viem, tika secināts, kādi ir Ķīnas mērÄ·i normalizēt un standartizēt naratÄ«vus Padomē: ĶTR ievieÅ” terminus, savu redzējumu par cilvēktiesÄ«bām, kas saskan ar Sji vÄ«ziju par nākotnes attÄ«stÄ«bu; tā aicina veidot jaunu starptautisko attiecÄ«bu modeli; Ķīna ā€œdefinēā€ pieņemamo starptautisko cilvēktiesÄ«bu kontekstā. Å ie naratÄ«vi atspoguļo Ķīnas vēlmi ieviest noteiktus aspektus globālā cilvēktiesÄ«bu mehānisma attÄ«stÄ«bā, tādēļ darbā izvirzÄ«tā hipotēze apstiprinājās. Papildus darbā tika identificēti vēl daži mērÄ·i, kas netika iekļauti hipotēzē: ĶTR aktÄ«vi aicina vērst uzmanÄ«bu uz attÄ«stÄ«bas valstÄ«m, tostarp, lai nodroÅ”inātu sev lÄ«dzÄ«gi domājoÅ”o valstu atbalstu; Ķīna aicina mainÄ«t Padomē ieviestos cilvēktiesÄ«bu stāvokļa kontroles mehānismus; ĶTR veicina labu un pozitÄ«vu starptautisko tēlu, izmantojot cilvēktiesÄ«bas; ar rezolÅ«ciju palÄ«dzÄ«bu Ķīna novērÅ” uzmanÄ«bu no cilvēktiesÄ«bu stāvokļa valstÄ«.Topic of this thesis is "Human rights narrative of the People's Republic of China at the UN Human Rights Council during the presidency of Xi Jinping". The relevance of the topic is determined by several factors. Firstly, the development of the People's Republic of China (Further - China or PRC) and the growth of its political, economic, and military power will play a significant role in the development of international relations. Secondly, China is already trying to achieve favourable changes in international politics, it is more actively involved in the work of international organizations, it is forming new partnerships and various cooperation mechanisms. Thirdly, during the presidency of Xi Jinping, human rights have officially become the priorities of the country's foreign policy and the Chinese Communist Party, which increases the relevance of human rights issues not only in China, but also around the world. The purpose of this paper is to explore the PRC's aims to normalize or standardize its human rights narrative at the UN Human Rights Council during Xi Jinping's presidency. The hypothesis put forward in this paper ā€“ the PRC has formulated a human rights narrative that it seeks to normalize at the UN Human Rights Council, with the aim of implementing its vision of future global development. To test the hypothesis the theoretical framework is based on social constructivism. The development of the empirical part was performed using document and narrative analysis, analysing the resolutions initiated and sponsored by China in the UN Human Rights Council since 2014. In this paper six narratives created by China and used in the Council were identified. Based on these narratives, it was concluded what are China's aims to normalize and standardize narratives in the Council: the PRC introduces terminology, its own vision of human rights, which is consistent with Xi's vision of future development; it calls for the creation of a new model of international relations; China "defines" what is acceptable in the context of international human rights. These narratives reflect China's desire to introduce certain aspects in the development of the global human rights mechanism. In addition, some other purposes were identified which were not included in the hypothesis: the PRC calls for attention to be paid to developing countries to ensure the support of like-minded countries; China calls for a change in the control mechanisms of the human rights situation introduced in the Council; the PRC promotes a good and positive international image through human rights; with the help of resolutions, China diverts attention from the human rights situation in the country
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