1,950 research outputs found
Unrepresentative information - The case of newspaper reporting on campaign finance
This article examines evidence of sampling or statistical bias in newspaper reporting on campaign finance. We compile all stories from the five largest circulation newspapers in the United States that mention a dollar amount for campaign expenditures, contributions, or receipts from 1996 to 2000. We compare these figures to those recorded by the Federal Election Commission (FEC). The average figures reported in newspapers exceed the figures from the FEC by as much as eightfold. Press reports also focus excessively on corporate contributions and soft money, rather than on the more common types of donors-individual-and types of contributions-hard money. We further find that these biases are reflected in public perceptions of money in elections. Survey respondents overstate the amount of money raised and the share from different groups by roughly the amount found in newspapers, and better-educated people (those most likely to read newspapers) showed the greatest discrepancy between their beliefs and the facts
Sociotropic Voting and the Media
The literature on economic voting notes that voters' subjective evaluations
of the overall state of the economy are correlated with vote choice, whereas
personal economic experiences are not (Kinder and Kiewiet 1979, 1981). Missing
from this literature is a description of how voters acquire information about
the general state of the economy and use that information to form perceptions.
To begin understanding this process, we asked a series of questions on the 2006
ANES Pilot Study about respondents' perceptions of the average price of gas
and the unemployment rate in their home states. In this chapter, we analyze
both the determinants and political consequences of respondents' perceptions
of these economic variables.
Questions about gas prices and unemployment show differences in respondents'
sources of information about these two economic variables. We found
evidence consistent with the idea that information about unemployment rates
comes from media sources, and is biased by partisan factors, and that information
about gas prices comes only from everyday experiences. While information
about both indicators shows effects from demographics, only estimates of
unemployment rates are correlated with a respondent's political outlook. Moreover,
perceptions of unemployment rates can be used to isolate the effect of
economics on partisan preferences
Is There Racial Discrimination at the Polls? Voters' Experience in the 2008 Election
In 1965, the United States Congress enacted the Voting Rights Act to end discrimination against black voters at the polls in Southern states and throughout the nation. The Act prohibited the use of “tests” and other devices used to prevent people from voting. At issue was not the content of tests themselves but the wide latitude available to those charged with registering and authenticating voters. Poll workers and election officers applied literacy tests, poll taxes, and other mechanisms differentially to voters according to race, resulting in extremely low rates of voter registration and participation among blacks and Hispanics.
Forty years after the Voting Rights Act went into effect, concerns about discriminatory treatment and differential consequences of election administration practice have returned. General polling place operations are alleged to be much worse in areas where large numbers of minorities vote, yielding long lines. Procedures for maintaining registration lists are thought to make it more likely that there will be an improper purge of minority voters, leading to more problems with registration on Election Day. And, voter identification requirements, which states have strengthened considerably since 2000, are alleged to be applied more frequently and strictly to Black and Hispanic voters than to Whites.
This paper examines the experiences of voters expressed in two surveys, the 2008 Cooperative Congressional Election Survey and a 2008 survey conducted by the Caltech/MIT Voting Technology Project with support of the Pew Foundation. Both surveys were conducted over the Internet by YouGov. The CCES has a sample of 32,800 respondents, and the VTP-Pew Survey has a sample of 12,000 respondents. In addition to the Internet component, the VTP-Pew survey contains a separate phone sample used to validate the surveys. Additional information about these surveys is available at the websites of the CCES (http://web.mit.edu/polisci/portl/cces/index.html) and the Voting Technology Project (www.vote.caltech.edu)
Access Versus Integrity in Voter Identification Requirements
The Help America Vote Act hit a nearly fatal snag during the final stages of congressional negotiations over the bill in 2002. The problem? Voter identification requirements. Many conservatives in Congress insisted on the inclusion of a requirement that voters show photo identification, and many liberals, especially the Congressional Black Caucus, saw this as a deal killer. Ultimately, the two sides reached a compromise that applied the rule to first time voters, but the battle lines over this question were drawn and they remain in place today
Using Recounts to Measure the Accuracy of Vote Tabulations: Evidence from New Hampshire Elections 1946-2002
The 2000 presidential election exposed a surprisingly high level of inaccuracy in the tabulation of ballots. Differences between total vallots cast and votes counted were as high as 19 percent in some counties in Florida, and these discrepancies were widely attributed to the ballot formats, the handling of ballots, and machine operations. For those involved in the administration of elections the recount was particularly troubling. Over the last 40 years the United States has introduced new technologies, especially punch card and optically scanned ballots, to improve vote tabulations. The problems revealed in Florida suggested that these newer technologies may not in fact represent an improvement over traditional hand-counted paper ballots.Carnegie Corporation of New York; John S. and James L. Knight Foundatio
Divided government and significant legislation: A History of Congress from 1789 to 2010
This article presents and analyzes the most comprehensive database to date of significant acts of Congress—from 1789 to 2010—to test whether divided party control of government affects the number of important acts Congress passes. We find that unified control corresponds with one additional significant act passed per Congress in the nineteenth century and four additional such acts in the twentieth century. However, party control of government cannot explain the broad historical trends in the rate at which Congress passes significant legislation. Nixon in 1969 was far more successful with a Democratic Congress than was McKinley in 1897 with a Republican one
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