Uganda: Pastoral conflict & gender relations

This article uses testimonials from women and men to ask how pastoral gender relations are configured, how they are being altered in the context of armed conflict, including violent cattle raiding, in the last four decades and how they are coping with their resulting pastoral livelihoods becoming increasingly unsustainable. In addition, the status of both men and women as defined by marriage is declining as marriage is dependent upon a diminishing cattle economy. It is here that women are being required to take on new roles for their survival and the survival of the family, including making decisions about acquiring guns and ammunition, and branching out into alternative livelihoods. Men are gaining power over women in some respects because they remain the owners of weapons, but conflict has also created space for women to gain independence and status. The article considers the benefits of this situation for women, but also notes the new risks to their physical and mental health. It then argues that in turn there are both positive and negative aspects for the whole family and the stability and sustainability of the Karimojong society as a whole

Impact of small arms insecurity on the public health of pastoralists in the Kenya–Uganda border regions

Small arms must be considered as a public health problem, but quantifying the public health impact of small arms is difficult and studies are sparse in areas of conflict. This study considers the remote cross border area between Kenya and Uganda where pastoral conflict in the form of cattle raiding with the use of small arms has escalated in recent years, and where health facilities are scarce. Hospitals and clinics in Karamoja, Uganda, and West Pokot, Kenya were visited by the author, to collect any available data on small arms injuries. Interviews with hospital staff helped to provide further insight into the statistics. Statistics showed that most injuries were sustained during raiding, though worrying incidences of injury among noncombatants and young children were found. Many serious injuries and limb fractures were documented, likely to have some long-term implications for pain, growth, disability, and livelihood. Deaths and injuries are likely to be significantly underestimated by the statistics, due to problems of transport, insecurity, deaths prior to arrival, admission fees for some facilities, and fear of reporting injuries due to the criminal element. Police statistics support this conclusion. The situation appeared to be worse in Uganda as opposed to Kenya, but cooperation between the two countries is needed since pastoralists readily cross the borders both to raid and to attend clinics and hospitals

Roles of state and indigenous authorities in pastoralist conflict and its mitigation: Karamoja, northern Uganda: opportunities for peace.

This paper surmises that modern public administration has failed to adequately incorporate the influence of the customary governance institutions in Karamoja (Uganda), which still dominate large areas of decision-making, especially about natural resource and economical management. This failure has allowed violence and disorder to flourish, since opportunities for conflict mitigation and peace building have been missed and the communities remain alienated. The paper begins by trying to understand the history of the modern public administration in Karamoja, from colonial rule to now, and why the Karimojong have always mounted a strong resistance. It then examines the parallel system, that of the elders, and traditional justice mechanisms. The situation is then viewed in the context of the increasingly violent armed cattle raiding conflict, and various approaches by the state and elders; collaborative approaches are considered

Ungoverned Space'and the Oil Find in Turkana, Kenya

In developing countries, mineral wealth has usually failed to benefit most people at both national and local levels. Conflicts between locals and investors and/or governments over perceived lack of local opportunities and negative impacts such as environmental degradation are common. In 2012 a substantial reserve of oil was struck in Turkana, north-west Kenya, bringing hopes of boosting the national and local economy, and leading to grand-scale plans for infrastructure development across the region. However, conflicts over land rights, job opportunities and tenders have already begun to emerge, leading to the brief withdrawal of Tullow Oil staff from the site in 2013. Turkana has a number of existing security challenges, such as rampant cross-border and inter-ethnic livestock raids, a high prevalence of illegal small arms and low state penetration of security with an over-reliance on armed civilian volunteer forces (the Kenya Police Reserve). This work argues that in this ‘ungoverned’ context the risk for protracted social conflict focused around the oil, and furthermore for regional instability is high, such as has been seen elsewhere in the continent’s recent history

Disarmament in Karamoja, Northern Uganda: Is This a Solution for Localised Violent Inter and Intra-Communal Conflict?

Disarmament is a major feature of international, regional and national small arms and light weapons control policy and legislation worldwide. The proliferation of arms is now a significant problem amongst pastoralists in the Horn of Africa. In Karamoja, northern Uganda, where armed inter-communal and intra-communal conflict is disrupting lives and livelihoods, several attempts at mitigation have been tried. This article considers whether disarmament attempts have provided any solution to the conflicts. Empirical data collected between 2000 and 2006, consisting of interviews with combatants, local leaders and community members, government reports and media articles have been used to recount these endeavours and their consequences in the communities. The work first gives the regional and cross-border arms dynamics. It then considers the history of conflict and disarmament in Karamoja and examines in detail the recent disarmament since 2001. The successes or failures are considered in terms of weapons collected, mitigation of conflict and establishment of valuable processes such as community participation or inter-agency cooperation

Guns & governance in the Rift Valley: pastoralist conflict & small arms

Recent estimates indicate that more than 640 million small arms and 16 billion rounds of ammunition circulate the globe yearly. In North East Africa and the Rift Valley, the flow of arms has been particularly heavy and has led to the escalation of banditry, cattle rustling, raiding, and ethnic conflict. The impact small arms have on the area, according to Kennedy Agade Mkutu, is a symptom of the failure of states to govern and of superficial programs that focus simply on disarmament. In this hard-hitting book, Mkutu brings together all the issues affecting the arms trade, from the regulation of international arms sales to regional efforts to improve security, community involvement, and economic development. He cites cultural changes to the legacy of pastoral violence in the region as key ingredients in stemming the disastrous spread of small arms

Changes and Challenges of the Kenya Police Reserve: The Case of Turkana County

In rural Kenya, the main visible security force is the Kenya Police Reserve, an unpaid force guarding localities and armed by the state. Turkana County faces challenges of low state penetration, small arms flows, and armed intercommunal conflict. The state has a weak hold on Kenya Police Reservists (KPRs) and their arms, and this situation is weakening further as many move into paid private security roles, including guarding oil exploration and drilling sites. Security is critical in view of the recent oil discovery and ensuing land disputes which could trigger widespread conflict, and the recent devolution of development and administrative functions to counties in Kenya

Mitigation of armed criminality through an African indigenous approach

Insecurity with the use of small arms has become a disturbing theme in Kenya increasing over the past two decades. Rural areas have seen escalating levels of armed inter-communal resource conflict, with rustling of large numbers of cattle and loss of lives. Official security forces may be weak in such areas, or may be corrupt, demanding bribes to provide their services. In such circumstances communities may resort to providing their own solutions, which have their merits and demerits. One such homegrown solution has come out of Kuria. The Sungusungu are indigenous police, attached to a traditional Iritongo or court owned and funded by the community, and later hesitantly supported by the modern public administration. Their efforts at managing armed criminality in the late 1990s were unexpectedly successful, bringing law and order and leading to a transformation in the district. This article considers their successes and also notes real and potential problems with this concept of indigenous policing, with regard to its wider application

Complexities of livestock raiding in Karamoja

Karimojong define different motives for raiding: restocking, retaliation, and theft for sale on markets. This article focuses on the third type, or akoko raiding, which operates outside of the informal governance system of the elders, and is necessitated by short-term livelihood needs for some, and driven by profiteering for others. It may be done in large groups, or small groups of youths, and may be managed by racketeers, or richer cattle owners who loan out weapons. This article looks at the relationship of akoko raiding with the markets, including international trade to Kenya and the issue of border security. It notes that there are links to powerful urban-based figures, and that the huge wealth of Karamoja is enriching only a few. It makes the point that policing of the markets should be a major focus of conflict mitigation. Instead disarmament policies continue to focus on pastoralist communities, bringing no reduction in raiding violence and adding another layer to the conflict: that of the state versus the community

Counter-terrorism in Kenya

The terrorist attacks of 7 August 1998 raised serious questions about transnational and domestic terrorism in Kenya and the Horn of Africa. What motivated terrorists to target Kenya? Why Kenya? Could these attacks have been stopped? How did Kenya and the international community respond to the attacks? Not only did the attacks target Western (US and Israel) interests but also Kenyan interests. Later Kenya was designated an ‘anchor state’ and ‘frontline’ in the ‘Global War on Terror’ (GWOT) President George Bush declared in response to the 11 September 2001 attacks in New York. This article critically examines the counter-terrorism (CT) measures that have been taken in Kenya in response to the attacks and threats made on the country. It describes the measures, attempts to explain the rationale and motivations behind them and to assess their effectiveness. It is argued that while these measures are aimed at addressing the perceived main causes of terrorism in Kenya, the assumptions upon which they are based are often flawed, do not have domestic support and are externally imposed, primarily by US, and hence are often criticised as a tool of US imperialism. Further, the price of these measures has been high in terms of the negation of the civil and human rights and freedoms