Wh-clitic-doubling and wh-Cliticisation

This article explores a pervasive phenomenon in Berber whereby the extraction of dative arguments (of verbs, nouns and prepositions) gives rise to two occurrences of wh. One is a wh-word located in Spec,C and the other a wh-clitic in the dative form located in C (wh-clitic-doubling). Close examination reveals that the wh-word in Spec,C functions as an operator base-generated in its scope position and the dative wh-clitic in C provides it with a derivational link to the variable in the dative position it binds (whCliticisation). Wh-clitic-doubling and wh-Cliticisation amount to direct evidence for Cliticisation as a derivational interpretive mechanism of Grammar that obviates the need for indexing (Lebeaux 1983, Chomsky 1986, 1995). They also provide evidence for the conclusion in Kayne (1989) that Cliticisation is an instance of Head-Movement, more precisely, feature-based Head-Movement.Este artículo explora un fenómeno generalizado en bereber, en virtud del cual la extracción de argumentos dativos (de verbos, sustantivos y preposiciones) produce dos tipos de palabras qu-, una situada en la posición de especificador del SC, y otra en la posición CL2 (doblado del clítico qu-). Un examen detallado revela que la palabra qu- que se encuentra en la posición de especificador del SC se genera en la base de este sintagma y que la relación entre su variable-operador y la posición del argumento se establece por medio de la cliticización qu- al SC. Esto proporciona sólida evidencia para el estatus de la Cliticización como mecanismo derivacional interpretativo de la Gramática, algo que de manera abstracta han asumido estudios previos, tales como los de Lebeaux (1983) y Chomsky (1986, 1995). Proporciona, asimismo, evidencia de la conclusión presentada por Kayne (1989) de que la Cliticización es un ejemplo de movimiento de núcleo, más precisamente, movimiento de núcleo basado en los rasgos.Este artigo explora um fenómeno do bebere que consiste no facto de a extração de argumentos dativos (de verbos, nomes e preposições) gerar dois constituintes wh-, um localizado em Spec,C e o outro na posição de CL2 (redobro do clítico wh-). Uma análise mais detalhada mostra que o constituinte wh- em Spec,C é gerado na base e a relação do operadorvariável com a posição de argumento é estabelecida através da cliticização de wh- para C. Desta forma, a cliticização é tida como um processo interpretativo derivacional da Gramática, considerado na sua forma abstrata em trabalhos anteriores, como Lebeaux (1983) e Chomsky (1986, 1995). É também sustentada a conclusão de Kayne (1989), segundo o qual a cliticização é um exemplo de Movimento Nuclear, mais precisamente, Movimento

Copulative Predication in Tarifit Berber

This paper investigates the typology of copulative predication in Tarifit Berber. Three main copulas are identified: (1) verbal, (2) nominal and (3) locative. Given that these elements can all be used as predicates, a uniform configuration which accounts for their derivation is proposed. The structure consists of a lower lexical layer occupied by the predicate (VP, NP etc.) and a higher functional projection represented by the Predicate Phrase (PredP). The Pred – head then enters into an agreement relation with the lower head in the complement position, yielding a predicational copula sentence. Since these constructions are all marked for tense/aspect, the derivation is extended further to a TP projection where the relevant feature is valued. In view of the unified syntactic analysis, the difference between various copula predicates is optimally reduced to the categorial status of the basic predicate occupying the lower lexical projection. The paper identifies another copula construction, which correlates with the proxemics-locative. An examination of this configuration from a close range reveals that this particular locative occupies the subject position whereas the Pred – head is only filled with a bare syntactic feature but encodes no phonological information.Prédication copulative en berbère tarifit Cet article explore la typologie de la prédication copulative en berbère tarifit. On identifie 3 copules principales : (1) verbale, (2) nominale et (3) locative. Etant donné que tous ces éléments peuvent être employés comme prédicats, l’article propose une configuration uniforme qui rend compte de leur dérivation. Cette structure consiste en un niveau lexical inférieur occupé par le prédicat (VP, NP etc) et une projection fonctionnelle plus haute représentée par le Predicate Phrase (PredP). La tête Pred entre ensuite dans une relation d’accord avec la tête basse située en position de complément, créant une phrase à copule prédicative. Comme ces constructions sont toutes marquées pour le temps/aspect, la dérivation est étendue à une projection TP, où le trait pertinent est valué. L’analyse syntaxique étant unifiée, la différence entre les divers prédicats copulatifs est réduite de façon optimale au statut catégoriel du prédicat de base occupant la projection lexicale basse. Cet article identifie une autre construction copulative correspondant au locatif proxémique. L’examen précis de cette configuration révèle que ce locatif particulier occupe la position de sujet tandis que la tête Pred est occupée par un trait syntaxique seulement, mais n’encode aucune information phonologique

The construct state in Tarifit Berber

This paper investigates the Construct State (CS) in Tarifit Berber. Given that the phenomenon occurs only in certain syntactic environments, this suggests that it has syntactic ramifications and is not the result of purely phonological operations. Its exact nature is argued to be a language-specific property which arises from a syntactic relation between an NP and a higher c-commanding head. Crucial to this relation is the fact the CS triggering head can only be T or P. The paper also investigates the phonological implications of the CS. After the configuration is formed in the Syntax and sent for interpretation by the phonological component, it is suggested that the CS NP and its c-commanding head are spelt out in phonology as one phonological word. On a theoretical level, the paper argues that this typology can be better articulated under a modular approach in the sense of Distributed Morphology whereby the phonological component interprets the syntactic output

The Morphosyntax of Tharifith Berber

Abstract: This dissertation investigates the syntax and also some aspects of the morphology of Tharifith Berber (such as, the inflectional classes of nouns and the Construct State) within the Distributed Morphology framework (Halle & Marantz 1993, et al.). One of its main objectives is to demonstrate how morphology could be brought within the range of syntax. This view becomes apparent when inflectional morphemes which project in the syntax are also used to derive words. Contrary to what has always been reported, that Berber is an unquestionable VSO language, I show that Tharifith has now shifted to a Topic-Initial configurational system. This claim is based on two pieces of evidence: (1) the SVO order is preferred over VSO, (2) when the object is a clitic both the verb and the clitic are required to be in the initial position of the clause. I propose an account arguing that the two alternations instantiate a Topic-fronting phenomenon, which requires the initial position of the clause to be filled with Topic. Of interest to word order is another property displayed by some WH- complex clauses which require Verb-First. A careful analysis of the structure of these clauses reveals that this is an instantiation of V-to-C movement, also known as the verb second phenomenon (V2). While the movement to the initial position in the main clause is argued to be motivated by Topic, I show that V2 is motivated by the feature Focus which needs to be checked in C. Due to the fact that this operation is sensitive to the phonological property of the complementiser, I make the claim that discourse features, at least in Berber, should be generated at PF. Despite the fact that the subject, object and dative clitics are often grouped under the ‘clitic – banner,’ I show that the first set displays the properties of agreement markers on the verb while the other two sets are claimed to be argument XPs. The approach takes an in-depth theoretical approach to the study of clitics. In a framework where syntax operates on purely formal features, and taking on board the view that clitics as arguments have the formal features required by the computation identical to the ones found with lexical NPs, it is argued that any other distinction between the two sets of arguments is made post-syntactically. Argument structure is then claimed to follow from a fairly small number of principles which govern their syntactic system. The study discusses the movement of clitics at length, and argues it to be phonological. Crucial to the analysis is the fact that this movement operation is not only dependent on the phonological property of clitics but is also dependent on the property of functional elements that host them. Evidence is provided which shows that only functional categories that are phonologically dependent can be hosts. I then conclude that cliticisation is in fact an attraction by the host, a process which occurs during the mapping of the syntactic output to phonology. I further argue that this type of PF merger which is claimed to generate the placement of clitics is constrained by an adjacency relation. Additional support to the claim that morphology should be subject to syntactic principles is found with valency. I show that the system, in many respects, treats the structure of verbs and clauses along the same line. Furthermore, the meaning which is traditionally claimed to be inherent to words is shown from the verbal system to follow from the syntactic structure the verbs project