27 research outputs found

    A Test for Argumenthood : Verbal Compounds in Korean

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    The head of a verbal compound is derived from a verb by affixation and its non-head element is interpreted as an argument of the head or a closely related adjunct. Within the framework of Argument Structure Theory, there has been much discussion on whether the verbal compound can be a test for argumenthood, Grimshaw(1990) has specifically proposed that this construction provides supporting evidence for the hierarchy of fine-grained thematic roles. In this paper, I attempt to figure out which elements can be the non-heads of verbal compounds in Korean by analyzing about 400 compounds in terms of thematic roles. Unlike the previous claims based on English data, the result shows that the fine-grained thematic hierarchy is not observed and that a prominent distinction exists only between the Agent and all the other thematic roles. Furthermore, we cannot find any significant difference between arguments and adjuncts in being incorporated as a non-head. Based on this empirical evidence, I argue that verbal compounds cannot be a test for argumenthood in Korean

    Verbal Compounds in English

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    English compounds are distinguished into two kinds, root compounds and synthetic verbal ones. The second one refers to a compound whose head is derived by affixation from a verb. This verbal head generally takes the form of a stem plus an affix such as -eฯ€ -ed, -ing, and the non-head is interpreted as an argument of the head or a closely related adjunct (ex: truck driver, moth-eaten, fast-acting). In this paper, 1 attempt to figure out which element can be the non-heads of verbal compounds in terms of argument structure theory. My starting point is Grimshaw (1990), which assumes two independent notions of thematic roles and causer/non-causer in order to account for them. First, 1 show her account fails to provide a correct prediction for various cases especially where the head is derived from unaccusatives, psychological causatives, on passives. Rather, 1 provide an account based on two aspectual notions: a determinant and an affected entity. The former is intended to inc1ude a causer, the subject of psychological statives and that of unaccusatives, while the latter picks out the entity marking the aspectual endpoint of an event. 1 argue that the hierarchical order based an these two notions determines the acceptability of the non-heads of these compounds

    Subject-to-Object Raising Construction in English and Korean

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    ๋ณธ๊ณ ๋Š” ์˜์–ด์™€ ๊ตญ์–ด์˜ ์†Œ์œ„ ์ธ์ƒ๊ตฌ๋ฌธ์„ ๋น„๊ต ๋ถ„์„ํ•จ์„ ๋ชฉํ‘œ๋กœ ํ•œ๋‹ค. ์ธ์ƒ ๊ตฌ๋ฌธ์€ ๋‘ ์–ธ์–ด์—์„œ (1)๊ณผ ๊ฐ™์ด ์ „ํ†ต์ ์œผ๋กœ ํ•˜์œ„์ ˆ์˜ ์ฃผ์–ด๊ฐ€ ์ƒ์œ„์ ˆ์˜ ๋ชฉ ์ ์–ด๋กœ ์ธ์ƒ๋œ ๊ฒƒ์œผ๋กœ ๋ถ„์„๋˜์—ˆ๋˜ ์ฃผ์–ด-๋ชฉ์ ์–ด ์ธ์ƒ๊ตฌ๋ฌธ(Subject-to-Object Raising Construction)(Postal 1974)์„ ๊ฐ€๋ฆฌํ‚จ๋‹ค. This paper attempts a comparison of the so-called Subject -to-Object Raising Construction in English and that in Korean. Unlike the English SOR which seems uncontroversially syntactic, 1 hypothesize that the ap- parent SOR in Korean is part of a broader process which is sensitive to both grammatical functions and discourse functions. 1 claim that, in Korean, the object of the higher clause is the discourse topic of the lower clause predicated by the semantically stative comment clause; the discourse topic is not restricted to grammatical subject, as evidenced by the multiple nominative construction. This paper proposes that the SOR should be a process which interprets the most prominent element of the lower clause as the object of the higher one in both languages, based on the classic claim that English is a subject-prominent language whereas Korean is a topicโ€ขprominent one (Li and Thompson 1976)

    Etude sur la mthode de l'analyse pour le texte des mdias- Au sujet de la narration de la nouvelle la tlvision -

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    Idiomatic Expressions in Korean and Argument Structure

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    ๋ณธ ์—ฐ๊ตฌ์˜ ๋ชฉ์ ์€ ํ•œ๊ตญ์–ด ๊ด€์šฉ์–ด๊ตฌ(idiomatic expressions)์˜ ์˜๋ฏธ๋ฅผ ๋…ผํ•ญ๊ตฌ์กฐ ์ด๋ก (Argument Structure Theory) ํ‹€ ๋‚ด์—์„œ ์‚ดํŽด๋ณด๋ ค๋Š” ๊ฒƒ์ด๋‹ค. ๊ด€์šฉ์–ด๊ตฌ์— ๋Œ€ํ•œ ์—ฐ๊ตฌ๋Š” ์ „ํ†ต๋ฌธ๋ฒ•์—์„œ๋ถ€ํ„ฐ ์ด๋ฃจ์–ด์ ธ ์™”์œผ๋‚˜ 1980๋…„๋Œ€ ๋ง๋ถ€ํ„ฐ ๋‹ค์–‘ํ•œ ํ†ต์‚ฌ์ด๋ก ๋“ค์ด ๋…ผํ•ญ๊ตฌ์กฐ๋ฅผ ์ฃผ์š” ์—ฐ๊ตฌ๊ณผ์ œ๋กœ ์‚ผ๊ธฐ ์‹œ์ž‘ํ•˜๋ฉด์„œ ์ƒˆ๋กœ์šด ๊ด€์ ์—์„œ ์กฐ๋ช…์„ ๋ฐ›๊ฒŒ ๋˜์—ˆ๋‹ค. ๊ด€์šฉ์–ด๊ตฌ์˜ ์˜๋ฏธ๊ฐ€ ๋…ผํ•ญ๊ตฌ์กฐ ์ด๋ก ์˜ ๊ฐ€์žฅ ์ค‘์š”ํ•œ ์ด๋ก ์  ๊ทผ๊ฑฐ๋ฅผ ์ œ์‹œํ•ด ์ฃผ๊ธฐ ๋•Œ๋ฌธ์ด๋‹ค. This paper deals with idiomatic expressions in Korean within the frame-work of Argument Structure Theory. The theory attempts to figure out what kind of semantic information is relevant to determining the formal characteristic of argument structure. Various studies propose the hierarchy of fine-grained thematic roles as a crucial determining factor, and some of them claim that English idioms provide supporting evidence. In this paper, I analyze the meaning of Korean idioms in terms of thematic roles to see whether it is affected by the hierarchรญcal order among them. I will show that Korean idioms only support the binary distinction between Patient/ Theme and all the other roles, un1ike the previous claims based on English data. Basing myself on this empirical evidence, I will suggest that aspectual information may be more relevant to the argument structure of Korean idioms rather than the hierarchy of thematic roles

    Locomotion Verbs and Place Noun Marking

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    Locomotion verbs are used with various kinds of place expressions which are marked according to the meaning. For example, a goal is expressed either as an object with accusative case or as a prepositional object in English. In this paper, I propose that there are significant similarities between English and Korean in marking place expressions of locomotion verb constructions. In order to account for them, I argue for a semantic feature called Affectedness, which is defined as the aspectual property of a verb, such that it describes an event that can be measured out and delimited by the direct argument of the verb (Tenny 1987). 1 argue that this feature enables us to capture the generalization that any expression denoting affected entities can be marked with โ€œ lul" in Korean while only a syntactic argument among such expressions allows accusative. case marking in English. This partly explains why accusative marked place expressions in English show a restricted distribution compared to โ€œlul" marked ones in Korean
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