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    ๊ฐœํ˜๊ธฐ ์ค‘๊ตญ์˜ ์„ ๊ฑฐ ๊ณผ์ •๊ณผ ์œ ๊ถŒ์ž ์„ ๊ฑฐ ์ฐธ์—ฌ: ์ง€๋ฐฉ ์ธ๋ฏผ๋Œ€ํ‘œ๋Œ€ํšŒ ๋Œ€ํ‘œ ์„ ๊ฑฐ์— ๋Œ€ํ•œ ๋ถ„์„

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    ์ง€๊ธˆ๊นŒ์ง€ ์—ฐ๊ตฌ์ž๋“ค์€ ๊ตฌ ์†Œ๋ จ ๋ฐ ๋™๊ตฌ ์‚ฌํšŒ์ฃผ์˜ ๊ตญ๊ฐ€์˜ ์˜์› ์„ ๊ฑฐ์— ๋Œ€ํ•ด ๋Œ€์ฒด๋กœ ๋ถ€์ •์ ์ธ ๊ฒฌํ•ด๋ฅผ ๊ฐ–๊ณ  ์žˆ์—ˆ๋‹ค. ํ•œ๋งˆ๋””๋กœ ๋‚˜๋ผ๋งˆ๋‹ค ์ •๋„์˜ ์ฐจ์ด๋Š” ์žˆ์ง€๋งŒ ์‚ฌํšŒ์ฃผ์˜ ๊ตญ๊ฐ€์—์„œ ์˜์› ์„ ๊ฑฐ๋Š” ๋Œ€๋‚ด์ ์œผ๋กœ๋Š” ์ •์น˜๊ต์œก๊ณผ ์‚ฌํšŒํ™”๋ฅผ ํ†ตํ•ด ๊ตญ๋ฏผ์˜ ์ •๊ถŒ์— ๋Œ€ํ•œ ์ •ํ†ต์„ฑํŒŒ ์ˆ˜์šฉ์„ฑ์˜ฌ ๋†’์ด๋Š” ์ •์น˜๋™์›์˜ ์ˆ˜๋‹จ, ๋Œ€์™ธ์ ์œผ๋กœ๋Š” ์ •๊ถŒ์˜ ๋ฏผ์ฃผ์„ฑ์˜ฌ ์•Œ๋ฆฌ๋Š” ์„ ์ „ ์ˆ˜๋‹จ์˜ ์„ฑ๊ฒฉ์ด ๊ฐ•ํ•˜๋‹ค๋Š” ๊ฒƒ์ด๋‹ค(pravda 1986, 78-82; Vanneman 1976, 74; MaCormick 1996, 43). ๊ทธ๋ ‡๋‹ค๋ฉด 1979๋…„ ์ง์ ‘์„ ๊ฑฐ๋ฅผ ์‹ค์‹œํ•˜๊ธฐ ์‹œ์ž‘ํ•œ ์ค‘๊ตญ์˜ ํ˜„๊ธ‰(็ธฃ็ดš: ็ธฃยทๅธ‚ยทๅ€) ์ง€๋ฐฉ ์ธ๋ฏผ๋Œ€ํ‘œ๋Œ€ํšŒ(ไบบๆฐ‘ไปฃ่กจๅคงๆœƒ/์ง€๋ฐฉ์ธ๋Œ€) ๋Œ€ํ‘œ ์„ ๊ฑฐ๋Š” ์–ด๋–ค๊ฐ€? ์ด์— ๋Œ€ํ•œ ํ‰๊ฐ€๋Š” ํฌ๊ฒŒ ๋‘˜๋กœ ๋‚˜๋‰œ๋‹ค. ํ•˜๋‚˜๋Š” ๊ทธ ๋™์•ˆ ์•ฝ๊ฐ„์˜ ๋ณ€ํ™”๋Š” ์žˆ์—ˆ์ง€๋งŒ ์ค‘๊ตญ์˜ ์„ ๊ฑฐ๋„ ์ด์ „ ์‚ฌํšŒ์ฃผ์˜ ๊ตญ๊ฐ€์˜ ์„ ๊ฑฐ์ฒ˜๋Ÿผ ์ •์น˜๋™์› ๋ฐ ๋Œ€์™ธ ์„ ์ „ ์ˆ˜๋‹จ์˜ ์„ฑ๊ฒฉ์ด ๊ฐ•ํ•˜๋‹ค๋Š” ๊ฒƒ์ด๋‹ค(MaCormick 1996, 29-53; MaCormick 1990, 130-156). ์ด ๊ด€์ ์€ ์ค‘๊ตญ์˜ ์ •์น˜์ฒด์ œ๊ฐ€ ๊ฐœํ˜์ •์ฑ…์˜ ์‹ค์‹œ ์ดํ›„์—๋„ ๊ทผ๋ณธ์ ์œผ๋กœ ๋ฐ”๋€ ๊ฒƒ์ด ์—†๋‹ค๋Š” ์‚ฌ์‹ค(๋ ˆ๋‹Œ์ฃผ์˜์ฒด์ œ/๋‹น์ •์ฒด์ œ)์„ ๊ฐ•์กฐํ•œ๋‹ค

    Is Xi Jinpings One-Man-Rule System in the Making?

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    ์ตœ๊ทผ ์ค‘๊ตญ ์ •์น˜ ์—ฐ๊ตฌ์—์„œ ์‹œ์ง„ํ•‘ ๊ฐœ์ธ์œผ๋กœ ์ •์น˜๊ถŒ๋ ฅ์ด ์ง‘์ค‘๋˜๋ฉด์„œ ์ง‘๋‹จ์ง€๋„ ์ฒด์ œ๊ฐ€ ์•ฝํ™”๋˜๊ณ  ๋Œ€์‹  ์‹œ์ง„ํ•‘์˜ ์ผ์ธ์ฒด์ œ๊ฐ€ ํ˜•์„ฑ๋˜๊ณ  ์žˆ๋‹ค๋Š” ์ฃผ์žฅ์ด ์ œ๊ธฐ๋˜๊ณ  ์žˆ๋‹ค. ์ด ๋…ผ๋ฌธ์€ ์ง‘๋‹จ์ง€๋„ ์ฒด์ œ๊ฐ€ ์•ฝํ™”๋˜๊ณ  ์‹œ์ง„ํ•‘์˜ ์ผ์ธ์ฒด์ œ๊ฐ€ ํ˜•์„ฑ๋˜๊ณ  ์žˆ๋‹ค๋Š” ์ฃผ์žฅ์„ ๋น„ํŒ์ ์œผ๋กœ ๋ถ„์„ํ•˜๋Š” ๊ฒƒ์ด ๋ชฉ์ ์ด๋‹ค. ์ด๋ฅผ ์œ„ํ•ด ๋จผ์ € ๊ฐœํ˜๊ธฐ ์ง‘๋‹จ์ง€๋„ ์ฒด์ œ์˜ ํ˜•์„ฑ๊ณผ ๋ฐœ์ „, ์‹œ์ง„ํ•‘์˜ ๊ถŒ๋ ฅ ๊ธฐ๋ฐ˜ ๋ฐ ๊ณต๊ณ ํ™”๋ฅผ ์‚ดํŽด๋ณผ ๊ฒƒ์ด๋‹ค. ์ด๋Š” ์‹œ์ง„ํ•‘์œผ๋กœ์˜ ๊ถŒ๋ ฅ์ง‘์ค‘ ๋ฌธ์ œ๋ฅผ ๊ฒ€ํ† ํ•˜๊ธฐ ์œ„ํ•œ ์˜ˆ๋น„ ๋ถ„์„์— ํ•ด๋‹นํ•œ๋‹ค. ์ดํ›„์— ์˜๋„์†Œ์กฐ์˜ ์‹ ์„ค๊ณผ ์‹œ์ง„ํ•‘์˜ ์กฐ์žฅ ๊ฒธ์ง, ๋ฐ˜๋ถ€ํŒจ ์ •์ฑ…์˜ ์ถ”์ง„๊ณผ ์‹œ์ง„ํ•‘์˜ ๊ถŒ๋ ฅ ๊ฐ•ํ™”, ์‹œ์ง„ํ•‘ ์„ ์ „์„ ๋ถ„์„ํ•  ๊ฒƒ์ด๋‹ค. ๊ฒฐ๋ก ์ ์œผ๋กœ ๋งํ•˜๋ฉด, ์ง‘๋‹จ์ง€๋„ ์ฒด์ œ๊ฐ€ ์•ฝํ™”๋˜๊ณ  ์‹œ์ง„ํ•‘์˜ ์ผ์ธ์ฒด์ œ๊ฐ€ ํ˜•์„ฑ๋˜๊ณ  ์žˆ๋‹ค๋Š” ์ฃผ์žฅ์€ ๋„ˆ๋ฌด ์„ฑ๊ธ‰ํ•˜๋‹ค. An increasing number of scholars and journalists argue that the collective leadership system in Chinese politics has been seriously weakened and the Xi Jinpings one-man-rule system is in the making. This aricle aims at analyzing this argument in a critical manner. First, it investigates the formation and development of collective leadership system in the reform era, and the power base of Xis authority and its consolidation. Then it analyzes the new establishment of a few leading small groups in which Xi takes the position of group directors, anticorruption campaign that the Xi government has implemented since the start of new government, and the propaganda of Xi Jinpings ideas. In conclusion, its too early and hasty to argue that the Xis one-man-rule system is emerging while the collective leadership system is weakening

    Why Is China Assertive? An Assessment on Chinas Foreign Policy Since the Global Financial Crisis in 2008

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    ์ด ๋…ผ๋ฌธ์€ 2008๋…„ ์„ธ๊ณ„ ๊ธˆ์œต์œ„๊ธฐ ์ดํ›„ ๋‚˜ํƒ€๋‚œ ์ค‘๊ตญ์˜ ๊ณต์„ธ์  ์™ธ๊ต์— ๋Œ€ํ•ด ๊ธฐ์กด ์—ฐ๊ตฌ๋Š” ์–ด๋–ป๊ฒŒ ๋ณด๊ณ  ์žˆ๋Š”์ง€๋ฅผ ๊ฒ€ํ† ํ•œ๋‹ค. ๋˜ํ•œ ์ด ๋…ผ๋ฌธ์€ ์ค‘๊ตญ์˜ ๊ณต์„ธ์  ์™ธ๊ต์˜ ํŠน์ง•์„ ๋ถ„์„ํ•œ๋‹ค. ์ค‘๊ตญ์˜ ๊ณต์„ธ์  ์™ธ๊ต์— ๋Œ€ํ•ด์„œ๋Š” ๋‹ค์–‘ํ•œ ํ•ด์„์ด ์กด์žฌํ•˜๋Š”๋ฐ, ์ด๊ฒƒ์€ ํŽธ์˜์ƒ ๋„ค ๊ฐ€์ง€๋กœ ๋‚˜๋ˆŒ ์ˆ˜ ์žˆ๋‹ค. ์ฒซ์งธ๋Š” ์ค‘๊ตญ์˜ ๊ณต์‹ ์ž…์žฅ์ด๋‹ค. ๋‘˜์งธ๋Š” ๊ณต๊ฒฉ์  ํ˜„์‹ค์ฃผ์˜์˜ ์ž…์žฅ์ด๋‹ค. ์…‹์งธ๋Š” ๊ด€๋ฃŒ์ •์น˜ ๋ชจ๋ธ์˜ ์ž…์žฅ์ด๋‹ค. ๋„ท์งธ๋Š” ๊ฒฝํ—˜์ฃผ์˜ ํ˜น์€ ์‹ค์‚ฌ๊ตฌ์‹œ์˜ ์ž…์žฅ์ด๋‹ค. ์ด ๋…ผ๋ฌธ์€ ๋จผ์ € ์ด๋Ÿฐ ๋„ค ๊ฐ€์ง€ ์ž…์žฅ์„ ์ฃผ์š” ์ฃผ์žฅ๊ณผ ๋ฌธ์ œ์ ์„ ์ค‘์‹ฌ์œผ๋กœ ์ž์„ธํžˆ ์‚ดํŽด๋ณผ ๊ฒƒ์ด๋‹ค. ๊ทธ๋Ÿฐ ๋‹ค์Œ ์ค‘๊ตญ์˜ ๊ณต์„ธ์  ์™ธ๊ต์— ๋Œ€ํ•ด ํ•„์ž๊ฐ€ ๊ด€์ฐฐํ•œ ๋ช‡ ๊ฐ€์ง€ ํŠน์ง•์„ ์ œ์‹œํ•  ๊ฒƒ์ด๋‹ค. This article aims at reviewing the previous studies on Chinas assertive foreign policy since the global financial crisis in 2008, and presenting a few features of Chinas assertive diplomacy. It divides the different understandings of Chinas assertive diplomacy into four categories. First is Chinas official position. Second is the argument of offensive realism. Third is the interpretation of bureaucratic politics model. Fourth is an empirical analysis. This paper investigates these four categories focusing on each of these arguments and problems, and then moves toward to explain a few features of Chinas assertive diplomacy based on my own observation

    The Contemporary Study of Chinese Politics in Korea : focus on Sino-Soviet Affairs

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    This article evaluates the study of contemporary China in Korea for the last two decades. For this purpose, a critical review was conducted on the articles that appeared in Sino-Soviet Affairs, a leading journal in the field. The assessment was carried out in the following three aspects. First, with regard to the subject of inquiry, most of the articles evaluated studied China in its own right or focused on China"s external relations with the Soviet Union and the Korean Peninsula. One important agenda for future research is to do comparative studies of China and other socialist states. Additionally, a predominant majority of the articles evaluated dealt mainly with political, economic and diplomatic issues, while largely neglecting other key themes of research. Furthermore, there is an acute need for more research on major events like the Cultural Revolution and the Tiananmen Incident. Second, the Korean community of contemporary China studies is best characterized by pluralism. In terms of backgrounds, scholars were trained mainly in the United States, Taiwan and Korea. And these differences contributed rather significantly to the variations in their approachese, use of source materials, and so on. How such a pluralistic approach will affect the process of knowledge accumulation in the field remains to be seen. Third, Korean scholars of contemporary China still seem to lack sufficient interest in the methodological issue. Generally speaking, traditional Sinological methods (historical and descriptive) continue to dominate over more "scientific" methods. With the diplomatic normalization with China, however, there seems to have been a significant increase in the extent to which primary data and fieldwork are utilized

    Study on the China`s national people`s congress(NPC) : focusing on the transformation of the structure and roles in the socialist reform era (1978-1997)

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    ํ•™์œ„๋…ผ๋ฌธ(๋ฐ•์‚ฌ)--์„œ์šธ๋Œ€ํ•™๊ต ๋Œ€ํ•™์› :์ •์น˜ํ•™๊ณผ ๋น„๊ต์ •์น˜์ „๊ณต,1999.Docto

    Developmental Trends of Sino-South Korean Relations and Its Prospect: A Proposal of South Korea's China Policy

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    ์ด ๋…ผ๋ฌธ์€ ์ง€๋‚œ 20๋…„ ๋™์•ˆ์˜ ํ•œยท ์ค‘ ๊ด€๊ณ„ ๋ฐ ํ–ฅํ›„ ์ „๋ง์„ ๋ถ„์„ํ•˜๊ณ , ํ•œ๊ตญ์˜ ๋ฐ”๋žŒ์งํ•œ ์ค‘๊ตญ์ •์ฑ…์„ ์ œ์‹œํ•˜๋Š” ๊ฒƒ์„ ๋ชฉ์ ์œผ๋กœ ํ•œ๋‹ค. ์ด๋ฅผ ์œ„ํ•ด ๋จผ์ €, ํ•œยท ์ค‘ ๊ด€๊ณ„์˜ ๊ณผ๊ฑฐ ๋ฐœ์ „์ถ”์„ธ์™€ ๊ณผ์ œ๋ฅผ ๋ถ„์„ํ•œ๋‹ค. ๋˜ํ•œ, ์ •์น˜, ๊ตฐ์‚ฌยท ์•ˆ๋ณด, ์‚ฌํšŒ ๋“ฑ ์ฃผ์š” ์˜์—ญ์—์„œ ๋‚˜ํƒ€๋‚˜๋Š” ํ•œยท ์ค‘ ๊ด€๊ณ„์˜ ์ฃผ์š” ์Ÿ์ ์„ ๋ถ„์„ํ•œ๋‹ค. ์ด๋ฅผ ๊ธฐ๋ฐ˜์œผ๋กœ ์ด ๋…ผ๋ฌธ์€ ํ•œ๊ตญ์˜ ๋ฐ”๋žŒ์งํ•œ ์ค‘๊ตญ์ •์ฑ…์„ ์ œ์‹œํ•œ๋‹ค. 1992๋…„ ์ˆ˜๊ต ์ดํ›„ ํ•œยท ์ค‘ ๊ด€๊ณ„๋Š” ๊ต๋ฅ˜์ฃผ์ฒด์™€ ์˜์—ญ์˜ ๊ธ‰์†ํ•œ ํ™•๋Œ€, ์˜์—ญ๋ณ„ ๋ถˆ๊ท ๋“ฑ ๋ฐœ์ „์˜ ์‹ฌํ™”, ๊ณต์‹๊ทœ์ •๊ณผ ์‹ค์ œ๊ด€๊ณ„์˜ ๊ดด๋ฆฌ, ์–‘๊ตญ ๊ฐ„์˜ ๊ตญ๋ ฅ๊ฒฉ์ฐจ์™€ ๋น„๋Œ€์นญ์„ฑ์˜ ํ™•๋Œ€๋ผ๋Š” ํŠน์ง•์„ ๋ณด์—ฌ์ฃผ์—ˆ๋‹ค. ๋˜ํ•œ, ๋ฏธ๋ž˜์˜ ํ•œยท ์ค‘ ๊ด€๊ณ„๋Š” ๋ถยท ์ค‘๋™๋งน๊ณผ ๋‚จ๋ถ๊ด€๊ณ„, ํ•œยท ๋ฏธ๋™๋งน๊ณผ ์ค‘๊ตญ์˜ ๋ถ€์ƒ ๋Œ€์‘, ์‚ฌํšŒยท ๋ฌธํ™” ์˜์—ญ์—์„œ์˜ ๊ทœ๋ฒ” ๋ฐ ๊ฐ€์น˜๊ด€ ์ถฉ๋Œ์— ํฐ ์˜ํ–ฅ์„ ๋ฐ›์„ ๊ฒƒ์ด๋‹ค. ๋งˆ์ง€๋ง‰์œผ๋กœ, ํ•œ๊ตญ์€ ์ค‘๊ตญ์— ๋Œ€ํ•ด ๊ด€์—ฌ์ •์ฑ…, ์œ„ํ—˜๋ถ„์‚ฐ ์ „๋žต, ๋™(ๆฑ)์•„์‹œ์•„ ๋‹ค์ž์ฃผ์˜ ์ •์ฑ…์œผ๋กœ ๊ตฌ์„ฑ๋œ ์ •์ฑ… ์‚ผ์ค‘์ฃผ๋ฅผ ์ถ”์ง„ํ•ด์•ผ ํ•œ๋‹ค. ๋‚จ๋ถ๊ด€๊ณ„๋Š” ์„ธ ์ •์ฑ… ๋ชจ๋‘์™€ ๋ฐ€์ ‘ํžˆ ์—ฐ๊ฒฐ๋˜๊ณ  ๊ฐ๊ฐ์˜ ์ •์ฑ…์— ํฐ ์˜ํ–ฅ์„ ๋ฏธ์น˜๋Š” ์ •์ฑ… ์‚ผ์ค‘์ฃผ์˜ ๋ณด์ด์ง€ ์•Š๋Š” ์ค‘์‹ฌ์ด๋‹ค. This article aims at analyzing the past two decades development of Sino-South Korean relations and its prospect, with a purpose of proposing a South Korea's China policy. To this end, it firstly investigates the evolving trends of Sino-South Korean relations. Then, it delves into major contentious issues between the two countries in political, military and security, and social areas. Based on these analyses, South Korea's China policy is presented. Since the 1992 diplomatic normalization, Sino-South Korean relations have witnessed four distinctive trends: first, rapid increases of agents and areas in the relations between the two countries; second, acceleration of uneven development of the relations; third, the increasing disparity between official descriptions and their actual relations; fourth, increase of the asymmetry between the two countries in state capabilities. In addition, Sino-South Korean relations will face challenges in the future pertaining to three issues, such as Sino-North Korean alliance and North Korean problems, U.S.-South Korean alliance and its preparation for China's rise, and conflicts or confrontations between the two countries on norms and values. Finally, to achieve a more solid development of the Sino-South Korean relations in the future, South Korea needs to pursue a policy trio' toward China, composed of engagement policy, hedging strategy, and East Asian multilateral policy. In this policy trio, South-North Korean relations are the center of gravity, which is closely related with all three policies. This relationship also seriously affects whether the three individual policies are implemented well or not

    ไธญๅœ‹ ้„งๅฐๅนณ ๆ™‚ๆœŸ(1978-1994)์˜ ๆ”ฟๆฒปๆ”น้ฉ ็ก็ฉถ : ๅ…ฑ็”ฃ้ปจ๊ณผ ๆ”ฟๅบœ(้ปจ.ๆ”ฟ)์˜ ๆ”น้ฉ์„ ไธญๅฟƒ์œผ๋กœ

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    ํ•™์œ„๋…ผ๋ฌธ(์„์‚ฌ)--์„œ์šธๅคงๅญธๆ ก ๅคงๅญธ้™ข :ๆ”ฟๆฒปๅญธ็ง‘,1996.Maste

    Chinese Nationalism and Foreign Relations in the Reform Era : A Critical Review of Previous Discussions

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    ์ด ๋…ผ๋ฌธ์€ ๊ฐœํ˜๊ธฐ ์ค‘๊ตญ ๋ฏผ์กฑ์ฃผ์˜์™€ ๋Œ€์™ธ ๊ด€๊ณ„์— ๋Œ€ํ•œ ๊ธฐ์กด์˜ ์—ฐ๊ตฌ๋ฅผ ๋น„ํŒ์ ์œผ๋กœ ๊ฒ€ํ† ํ•˜๋Š” ๊ฒƒ์„ ๋ชฉ์ ์œผ๋กœ ํ•œ๋‹ค. ๊ตฌ์ฒด์ ์œผ๋กœ ์ด ๋…ผ๋ฌธ์—์„œ๋Š” 1990๋…„๋Œ€ ์ค‘๊ตญ์—์„œ ๋ฏผ์กฑ ์ฃผ์˜๊ฐ€ ๋‹ค์‹œ ๋“ฑ์žฅํ•˜๊ฒŒ ๋œ ๋ฐฐ๊ฒฝ๊ณผ ์„ฑ๊ฒฉ, ์ค‘๊ตญ ๋ฏผ์กฑ์ฃผ์˜๊ฐ€ ์ค‘๊ตญ์˜ ๋Œ€์™ธ ๊ด€๊ณ„์— ๋ฏธ์น˜๋Š” ์˜ํ–ฅ์„ ๋ถ„์„ํ•˜๊ณ , ์ด์— ๊ธฐ์ดˆํ•˜์—ฌ ์ค‘๊ตญ ๋ฏผ์กฑ์ฃผ์˜์™€ ๋Œ€์™ธ๊ด€๊ณ„์˜ ์ƒํ˜ธ ๊ด€๋ จ์„ฑ์— ๋Œ€ํ•œ ํ•„์ž์˜ ๊ด€์ ์„ ์ œ์‹œํ•œ๋‹ค. 1990๋…„๋Œ€์— ๋‹ค์‹œ ๋“ฑ์žฅํ•œ ์ค‘๊ตญ ๋ฏผ์กฑ์ฃผ์˜๋Š” ๊ตญ๊ฐ€๊ฐ€ ์ฃผ๋„ํ•˜ ๊ณ  ๊ตญ๊ฐ€๊ฐ€ ์ค‘์‹ฌ์ธ ๊ตญ๊ฐ€์ฃผ์˜ ๋˜๋Š” ๊ตญ๊ฐ€ ๋ฏผ์กฑ์ฃผ์˜์˜ ์„ฑ๊ฒฉ์„ ๋ ๊ณ  ์žˆ๋‹ค. ๋˜ํ•œ ์žฌ๋“ฑ์žฅํ•œ ๋ฏผ์กฑ์ฃผ์˜๋Š”์น˜์š•๊ณผ ๊ตด์š•์˜ ์„ธ๊ธฐ๋ฅผ ๊ฑฐ์ณ ํ˜•์„ฑ๋œ ์ค‘๊ตญ ๊ตญ๋ฏผ๋“ค์˜ ํ”ผํ•ด์˜์‹์˜ ์˜ํ–ฅ์„ ๊ฐ•ํ•˜๊ฒŒ ๋ฐ›์•˜๋‹ค. ๊ทธ๋ ‡์ง€๋งŒ ์ค‘๊ตญ ๋ฏผ์กฑ์ฃผ์˜๊ฐ€ ๊ณง๋ฐ”๋กœ ์ค‘๊ตญ์˜ ๋Œ€์™ธ ๊ด€๊ณ„์— ์˜ํ–ฅ์„ ๋ฏธ์น˜ ๋Š” ๊ฒƒ์€ ์•„๋‹ˆ๋‹ค. ๋Œ€์‹  ์ค‘๊ตญ ๋ฏผ์กฑ์ฃผ์˜๋Š” ํ†ต์น˜ ์—˜๋ฆฌํŠธ์˜ ๋‹จ๊ฒฐ ์ •๋„, ๊ฒฝ์ œ ๋ฐœ์ „์˜ ์ง€์† ์„ฑ ์—ฌ๋ถ€, ์ค‘๊ตญ์˜ ๋ฏธ๊ตญ๊ณผ์˜ ๊ด€๊ณ„ ๋“ฑ ์„ธ ๊ฐ€์ง€ ์š”์†Œ๋ฅผ ๋งค๊ฐœ๋กœ ์ค‘๊ตญ์˜ ๋Œ€์™ธ ๊ด€๊ณ„์— ์˜ํ–ฅ ์„ ๋ฏธ์นœ๋‹ค. This paper aims to analyse the background and characteristics of Chinese nationalism, its impacts on the foreign relations, and a proper perspective on their relationship in the reform era. To this end, this article critically reviews the previous literatures on this topic. This paper argues that Chinese nationalism in the reform era can be defined as a kind of statism with state-led and state-centric thrust. It was also re-emerged under the Chinese strong feeling of being victimized which had been shaped through the past century of shame and humiliation.This paper, however, emphasizes that Chinese nationalism does not directly make an impact on Chinese foreign relations, regardless of whether it has defensive or aggressive peculiarity. Rather, this article highlights that three factors (i.e., the cohesion of ruling elites, the persistence of economic development, and Chinese relations to the United States) make a vital effect on the relationship of Chinese nationalism and foreign relations

    A Comparative Analysis on the Power Consolidation of Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping in China

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    ์ด ๋…ผ๋ฌธ์€ ํ›„์ง„ํƒ€์˜ค์™€ ์‹œ์ง„ํ•‘์˜ ๊ถŒ๋ ฅ ๊ณต๊ณ ํ™”๋ฅผ ๋น„๊ต ๋ถ„์„ํ•œ๋‹ค. ์ด๋ฅผ ์œ„ํ•ด ๋จผ์ € ๊ถŒ๋ ฅ ๊ณต๊ณ ํ™”์™€ ์ •ํ’์šด๋™์„ ์‚ดํŽด๋ณธ๋‹ค. ๋‹ค์Œ์œผ๋กœ ํ›„์ง„ํƒ€์˜ค์™€ ์‹œ์ง„ํ•‘์˜ ๊ถŒ๋ ฅ ๊ณต๊ณ ํ™”๋ฅผ ์„ธ ๊ฐ€์ง€์˜ ์ธก๋ฉด์—์„œ ๋ถ„์„ํ•œ๋‹ค. ์ฒซ์งธ๋Š” ์žํŒŒ ์„ธ๋ ฅ์˜ ์ถฉ์›, ๋‘˜์งธ๋Š” ์ •ํ’์šด๋™๊ณผ ๋ฐ˜๋ถ€ํŒจ์šด๋™์˜ ์ถ”์ง„, ์…‹์งธ๋Š” ์ž๊ธฐ ํ†ต์น˜์ด๋…์˜ ๊ณต์‚ฐ๋‹น ์ง€๋„์ด๋…ํ™”์ด๋‹ค. ํ›„์ง„ํƒ€์˜ค์™€ ์‹œ์ง„ํ•‘์€ ๊ฐœํ˜๊ธฐ ์‹ ์„ธ๋Œ€ ์ง€๋„์ž๋กœ์„œ ์œ ์‚ฌํ•œ ๊ณผ์ •๊ณผ ์ ˆ์ฐจ๋ฅผ ํ†ตํ•ด ๊ถŒ๋ ฅ์„ ๊ณต๊ณ ํžˆ ํ–ˆ๊ณ , ๊ทธ ๊ฒฐ๊ณผ ์ด์„œ๊ธฐ๋กœ์„œ์˜ ๊ถŒํ•œ์„ ํ–‰์‚ฌํ•  ์ˆ˜ ์žˆ์—ˆ๋‹ค. ์ด๋Ÿฐ ์ ์—์„œ ๊ฐœํ˜๊ธฐ์—๋Š” ๊ถŒ๋ ฅ์Šน๊ณ„์˜ ์ œ๋„ํ™”์™€ ํ•จ๊ป˜ ๊ถŒ๋ ฅ ๊ณต๊ณ ํ™”์˜ ์ œ๋„ํ™”๊ฐ€ ์ง„ํ–‰๋˜์—ˆ๋‹ค๊ณ  ํ‰๊ฐ€ํ•  ์ˆ˜ ์žˆ๋‹ค.This article analyzes the power consolidation of Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping in terms of comparative perspective. For this, it investigates the meaning of power consolidation and rectification campaign. Then it delves into the concrete processes and results of power consolidation focusing on Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping in three aspects: the recruitment of corteges, implementation of rectification campaign, and establishment of new ideology. Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping as new generation leaders in reform era have been able to make power base solid by similar strategies and steps, and resultantly could exercise their power as general secretaries. In this sense, the institutionalization of power consolidation has made progress in the reform era, as did the institutionalization of power succession

    Chinas National Development Strategy in the Xi Jinping Era

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    ์ด ๋…ผ๋ฌธ์€ 2012๋…„ 11์›” ์ค‘๊ตญ๊ณต์‚ฐ๋‹น 18์ฐจ ๋‹น๋Œ€ํšŒ๋ฅผ ํ†ตํ•ด ์ •์‹ ์ถœ๋ฒ”ํ•œ ์‹œ์ง„ํ•‘ ์ฒด์ œ๊ฐ€ ํ–ฅํ›„ 10๋…„ ๋™์•ˆ ์ถ”์ง„ํ•  ๊ตญ๊ฐ€๋ฐœ์ „ ์ „๋žต์„ ๋ถ„์„ํ•˜๋Š” ๊ฒƒ์ด๋‹ค. ๋จผ์ €, ์ค‘๊ตญ ๊ตญ๊ฐ€ ์ •์ฑ…์˜ ์—ฐ์†์„ฑ๊ณผ ๊ธฐ๋ณธ ๋ฐฉ์นจ์— ๋Œ€ํ•ด์„œ ์‚ดํŽด๋ณผ ๊ฒƒ์ด๋‹ค. ๊ทธ ๋‹ค์Œ์— ๊ณต์‚ฐ๋‹น์˜ ํ˜„์‹ค ์ธ์‹๊ณผ ๊ตญ๊ฐ€๋ฐœ์ „ ๋ชฉํ‘œ๋ฅผ ๋ถ„์„ํ•  ๊ฒƒ์ด๋‹ค. ์ดํ›„์— ๊ฒฝ์ œ, ์‚ฌํšŒ, ๋ฌธํ™”, ํ™˜๊ฒฝ ๋“ฑ ๊ฐ ์˜์—ญ์˜ ์„ธ๋ถ€ ์ •์ฑ…์— ๋Œ€ํ•ด ์ž์„ธํžˆ ๊ฒ€ํ† ํ•  ๊ฒƒ์ด๋‹ค. ์ด๋•Œ์—๋Š” ๊ฐ ์˜์—ญ์˜ ํ•ต์‹ฌ ์ •์ฑ…์„ ์„ ๋ณ„ํ•˜์—ฌ ๊ทธ ์ •์ฑ…์„ ์ง‘์ค‘์ ์œผ๋กœ ๋ถ„์„ํ•  ๊ฒƒ์ด๋‹ค. ์ด๋Ÿฌํ•œ ๋ถ„์„์„ ํ†ตํ•ด ์‹œ์ง„ํ•‘ ์ฒด์ œ๊ฐ€ ์ถ”์ง„ํ•  ๊ตญ๊ฐ€๋ฐœ์ „ ์ „๋žต์˜ ๊ธฐ๋ณธ ๋ฐฉ์นจ๊ณผ ์„ธ๋ถ€ ์ •์ฑ… ๋‚ด์šฉ์„ ์ดํ•ดํ•  ์ˆ˜ ์žˆ์„ ๊ฒƒ์ด๋‹ค. This article aims at analyzing Chinas national developmental strategy under the new leadership of Xi Jinping, which was officially launched in November 2012. First, it investigates the continuity of national policies and their basic directions. Then it examines the perception of present situations and objectives of national development of the CCP. Finally the article carefully analyzes specific policies of important areas such as economy, society, culture, and environment, focusing on key policies of each area. Based on these analyses, we can understand the basic directions and specific policies that the Xi Jinping administration will implement for the next ten years
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