12 research outputs found
The New Political Culture and Political Change in Japan
This paper examines the dynamics of the current political change in Japan. The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), which had been considered a permanent government party, lost it majority holding in 1993 and became the opposition party for the first time since 1955. More strikingly, to regain the majority, the LDP made a coalition with the Social Democratic Party (SDP) which had been the first opposition party representing the opposite ideological camp for half a century. While most of the studies explaining these changes are based on the elitist approach emphasizing the role of the politicians defecting from the LDP, this paper takes a populist position stressing the importance of the change of the political culture of the Japanese public.
This paper bases its theoretical position on the new political culture (NPC) perspective which focuses on the changing political attitudes and actions of the publics in many advanced societies. The causes of the changes in political attitudes and actions comes from the social structural changes which include the emergence of unprecedented affluence, change of family structure toward a "slimmer pattern", and changes of industrial structure with the declining significance of agriculture and manufacturing and the rising importance of high-tech and information industries. These social structural changes lead to significant value changes which include the increase of post-materialism and individualism. As a result of these changes in social structure and values, there emerged a change in the political culture of the public which is mainly characterized by (1) less support for ideology-based political organizations; (2) declining significance of social cleavage, especially class, in approaching political issues, and (3) increasing broad civil political. participation among other features. The resultant NPC in turn influences politics in two specific ways; party structure previously based on conventional ideological politics are transformed into parties more attentive to the changing political culture. Secondly, the NPC encourages more efficiency-oriented policies.
Based on the NPC perspective, this paper examines the change of political culture of the Japanese. The "Hoshu-Kakushin (conservative-radical)" ideological cleavage, formerly the most important cleavage in approaching politics in Japan, has significantly declined in importance and consequently support for conventional ideological political parties, the LDP and the SDP, has declined significantly. Using World Value Survey data, this thesis undertakes a path analysis from social structural changes to the change of political culture, proving the causal relations that the NPC perspective expects.
Finally, this paper examines the influence of the NPC on the political changes in Japan since 1993. It shows that the NPC type demographics were more skeptical towards the conventional politics and political parties in 1992 one year before the election than more traditional groups. As a consequence, the NPC type demographics were more supportive of the candidates from the new parties in the 1993 election.
Throughout this paper, the importance of the change in the political culture of the Japanese public is emphasized as a cause of political change in Japan. By proposing a populist approach in explaining the political changes in Japan, where the elitist approach has been a dominant view, this paper will contribute to a more balanced understanding of contemporary Japanese politics. In addition, this paper stresses the importance of the populist approach to Japanese politics, contending that the influence of the Japanese public on political change will continue to increase
90๋ ๋ ํ๊ตญ ์ง์ํ ๋ฐฉ์ก์ ์ ๊ท์ง์ ์ ๊ฒฝ๊ณผ์ ํจ๊ณผ๋ถ์
ํ์๋
ผ๋ฌธ(์์ฌ)--์์ธ๋ํ๊ต ๋ํ์ :๊ฒฝ์ ํ๋ถ ๊ฒฝ์ ํ ์ ๊ณต,2001.Maste
Local innovation and amenity-oriented political culture: local government as an entertainment machine
์ง๋ฐฉ์์น์ ์ ํ์ ์ ์ํ ์์ธ์ผ๋ก๋ ํฌ๊ฒ ์ง๋ฐฉ์ ๋ถ์ ํ์ ์ญ๋๊ณผ ์ผ๋ฐ ์ฃผ๋ฏผ์ ํ์ ์ญ๋์ ๋ค ์ ์๋๋ฐ, ์ด ์ฐ๊ตฌ๋ ๊ทธ ์ค ์ผ๋ฐ์ฃผ๋ฏผ์ ํ์ ์ญ๋์ ๋
ผ์ํ ๊ฒ์ด๋ค. ์ด๋ฅผ ์ํ์ฌ ์ฐ๋ฆฌ๋ ์ง์ญ์ฃผ๋ฏผ์ ์ ์น๋ฌธํ์ ์ค์์ฑ์ ์ ๊ธฐํ๊ณ , ์ ์น๋ฌธํ๋ฅผ ๊ฐ๋ฐ์งํฅ์ ์น๋ฌธํ, ํจ์จ์งํฅ์ ์น๋ฌธํ, ๊ทธ๋ฆฌ๊ณ ์ด๋งค๋ํฐ์งํฅ ์ ์น๋ฌธํ๋ก ์ ํํํ์ฌ ๊ฐ๊ฐ์ ํน์ง์ ๋น๊ตํ์๋ค. ๊ทธ๋ฌํ ๋น๊ต๋ฅผ ํตํด, ์ฐ๋ฆฌ๋ ์ง์ญ์ ํ์ ์ ์ํ ์ฃผ๋ฏผ์ ์ญ๋์ผ๋ก ์ด๋ฉ๋ํฐ ์ ์น๋ฌธํ๋ฅผ ์งํฅํ๊ณ ์๋ ์ ์ฐ๋ น์ธต, ๊ณ ํ๋ ฅ์ธต, ๊ณ ์์ต์ง๋จ, ๊ทธ๋ฆฌ๊ณ ์ ๋ฌธ๊ฐ ์ง๋จ๋ค์ ์ค์์ฑ์ ์ ๊ธฐํ์๋ค. ๋ํ ์ด๋ฉ๋ํฐ ์ ์น ๋ฌธํ๋ฅผ ์งํฅํ๋ ์ง๋จ์ ์ ์
๊ณผ ๊ด๋ จํ์ฌ ์ํฐํ
์ธ๋จผํธ ๊ธฐ๊ตฌ๋ก์์ ์ง๋ฐฉ์ ๋ถ์ ๋ํ์ฌ ์๋ก ์ ์ธ ๋
ผ์๋ฅผ ์ ๊ฐํ์๋ค. ์ํฐํ
์ธ๋จผํธ ๊ธฐ๊ตฌ๋ก์์ ์ง๋ฐฉ์ ๋ถ๋ ๋จผ์ ๊ด๊ด ๋ฐ ๋ฌธํ์ฐ์
์ ๋ฐํ์ผ๋ก ์ง์ญ๊ฒฝ์ ๋ฅผ ํ์ฑํํ๋ค๋ ๊ฒ์ ์๋ฏธํ์ง๋ง, ์ฐ๋ฆฌ๋ ๊ทธ๊ฒ๋ณด๋ค๋ ์ํฐํ
์ธ๋จผํธ ๊ธฐ๊ตฌ๋ก์์ ์ง๋ฐฉ์ ๋ถ๊ฐ ํ์ ์ญ๋์ ๊ฐ์ง ์ง๋จ๋ค์ ์ ์
์ ์ด์งํ๊ณ ๊ทธ๋ค ์ง๋จ๋ค์ ์ํด์ ์ง๋ฐฉ์ ๋ถ์ ํ์ ์ด ๊ฐ๋ฅํ๋ค๋ ์ ์ ๊ฐ์กฐํ์๋ค. ์ฐ๋ฆฌ๋ ์ด๋ฌํ ์ฃผ์ฅ์ ์ฆ๋ช
ํ๊ธฐ ์ํ์ฌ ํ๊ตญ ์ข
ํฉ์ฌํ์กฐ์ฌ์ ์ธ๊ตฌ์ผ์์ค, ๊ทธ๋ฆฌ๊ณ ์ง๋ฐฉ์ ๋ถ์ ์ด๊ณ์๋ฃ๋ฅผ ์ด์ฉํ์ฌ ์ ์ฐ๋ น์ธต, ๊ณ ํ๋ ฅ์ธต, ๊ณ ์์ต์ง๋จ, ์ ๋ฌธ๊ฐ ์ง๋จ์ด ์ด๋ฉ๋ํฐ ์ ์น์งํฅ์ ์ด๊ณ ์ง์ญ๊ฒฝ์ ์ ํ์ฑํ๋ฅผ ๊ฐ์ ธ์ฌ ์ ์๋ค๋ ๊ฒ์ ๋ณด์ฌ์ฃผ์๋ค. There are two main factors for local innovation: one is the innovative capacity of local governments and the other the innovative capacity of local residents. This paper focuses on the second factor. Regarding the innovative capacity of local residents, we emphasize the importance of political culture. The paper first reviews three political cultures in terms of their local innovation potential: development-oriented political culture, efficiency-oriented political culture, and amenity-oriented political culture. Based on the review, we argue that amenity-oriented groups, such as youth, the highly educated, the rich, and the professionals, are the main groups for local innovation. In turn, the consideration becomes how to attract such innovative groups. The paper next employs a concept of "the entertainment machine" emphasizing leisure and cultural facilities such as parks, opera house, museums, etc. Our logic is that once the entertainment machine attracts amenity-oriented groups into a locality, they catalyze local innovation. Based on a variety of data such as Census and Korean General Social Surveys, we empirically test the hypothesis that the young, the highly educated, the rich, and professionals are more amenity-oriented and that these groups can become carriers of local innovation in Korea.์ด ๋
ผ๋ฌธ์ 2004๋
๋ ํ๊ตญํ์ ์งํฅ์ฌ๋จ์ ์ง์์ ์ํ์ฌ ์ฐ๊ตฌ๋์์(KRF-2004-074-BM0047)