(A)Study on the theory of self-cultivation in Chong YagYong(丁若鏞)` thought

학위논문(박사)--서울대학교 대학원 :종교학과,2004.Docto

Chong Yag - yong`s (丁若鏞 , 1762 - 1836) Discourse on Mind

Chǒng Yag-yong, a representative Confucian reformist of the late Chosun dynasty, constructed an alternative world view to that of the ruling Neo Confucian orthodox ideology. He focused his philosophy on the mind, which had been one of the central notions of Chu Hsi's (朱熹) Neo-Confucianism. This article investigates Chǒng's new vision on the mind by comparing it to that of Chu Hsi. The argument of this paper can be divided into three points. Firstly, Chǒng considers "divine brilliance" (靈明) of the mind as the source of communion with the Ultimate Reality and as sustaining man's ontological priority. This contrasts with Chu Hsi's "reflective awareness" (知覺) of the mind which bridges the gap between the self and the surrounding objects by a unitary principle Li (理)

(An) empirical study on the Korean stock market with volatility-managed strategy

학위논문(석사) - 한국과학기술원 : 금융공학프로그램, 2018.2,[iv, 43 p. :]변동성 관리 전략은 변동성이 클 때 위험자산에 대한 투자비중을 줄인다. 본 연구는 한국 주식시장에서 자산의 위험을 측정하는 요인(시장, 규모, 가치, 모멘텀, 수익성, 투자)중에 가치, 모멘텀 요인에 변동성 관리 전략을 적용하면 기존 요인 대비 양의 유의한 알파를 생성 한다. 더 나아가 여러 요인의 조합을 통해 평균-분산 효율적 포트폴리오를 생성 후, 변동성을 관리 하면 기존 포트폴리오 대비 양의 유의한 알파를 생성하며, 샤프비율을 증가 시킨다. 변동성 관리 전략은 포트폴리오 구성 요인 간의 비중은 그대로 유지가 된다는 점에서 위험 균형 전략과 다르다.또한 요인들의 실현된 분산의 첫번째 주성분요소로 표준화를 해도 가치, 모멘텀 요인은 유의한 알파를 생성 한다. 경기후퇴 기간에 변동성 관리 전략은 미국 시장과는 달리 위험자산에 대한 투자비중을 줄이지 않는다. 가치, 모멘텀, 수익성, 투자 요인에 변동성 관리 전략을 적용하면 위험의 지속성이 없어진다.한국과학기술원 :금융공학프로그램

Seongho Yi-Ik's Learning of the Mind-and-Heart

宋代 眞德秀(1178-1235)가 유교의 각종 경전과 선현의 글을 모아 편찬한과 이에 대해 明代 程敏政(1445-?)이 주석을 덧붙인 는 정작 중국 유학에선 그다지 관심을 받지 못하고 역사에서 망각되었다. 하지만 朝鮮儒學에서는 16세기 退溪 李滉(1501-1570)이 중시한 이래 17세기 尤庵 宋時烈(1607-1689)을 거쳐 19세기 茶山 丁若鏞(1762-1836)에 이르기까지 수많은 해설서를 낳을 정도로 중심적인 주제가 되었다. 따라서 마음공부라는 심학의 테마를 중심으로 조선유학의 고유한 발전과 개성을 파악하고자 할 때 에 대한 해석은 중요한 지표가 된다.This mticle attempts to investigate the characteristics of Seongho Yi-lk(星湖 李瀷, 1681-1763)'s Learning of the Mind-and-Heart(心學), focusing on his critical commentaiy on Ch'eng Min-cheng(程敏政)'s edition of Heart Classic with supplimentary notes, namely SimGyungBuJuJilSeo(心經附註疾書). First, Seongho separated the human mind(人心) and the human desire(人慾), and discovered the privateness of human desire not contradictory with the Heaven's principle by differentiating natmal physical selfishness from vicious selfishness. Second, Seongho inherited Toegye(退溪)'s theory of Li's issuance in the Four-Seven debate, and on the division of the SiniKi(心氣) and the HyungKi(形氣), he thoroughly applied the basic principle that "Li issues and Ki follows it(理發氣隨)." Third, Seongho denied the ontological significance of wei-fa(未發) and stressed the practico-ethical meaning of perception(知覺) in wei-fa. Four, in relation to reverence(敬), Seongho systematically linked Zhu Xi(朱熹)'s Admonition for mindfulness studio(敬齊箴) with such definitions as "concentrating on oneness without departing(主一無適)", the mind is recollected(其心收斂), ''the method of always being alert(常惺惺法)", and "properly ordered and controlled, grave and quiet(整齊嚴肅)". From these characteristics, we can conclude that Seongho developed his own distinguishing Learning of the Mind-and-Heart during the early 18th century

Song Si-Yeol's theory on the Four Beginnings and the Seven Emotions

16세기 조선사회에서 퇴계 이황(退溪 李滉, 1501-1507)과 고봉 기대승(高峯 奇大升, 1527-1571) 사이에 전개되기 시작한 사단칠정논쟁(四端七情論爭)은 조선성리학의 독자적인 발전 과정을 보여주는 대표적인 논쟁이라 할 수 있다. 특히 퇴계와 율곡 이이(栗谷 李珥, 1536-1584)를 중심으로 형성된 조선성리학이 본격적으로 정착되는 데 커다란 역할을 한 사단칠정논쟁은 조선후기에 이르기까지 관련 논의가 지속되었다는 점에서 역사적인 중요성을 갖는다. 또한 이 논쟁은 사단과 칠정이라는 감정을 고리로 리기론(理氣論)과 심성론(心性論), 수양론(修養論)등 성리학의 핵심 영역을 포괄하여 전개되었다. 따라서 조선시대의 사단칠정론을 살펴보면, 조선성리학의 중요한 특성이나 역사적 흐름을 이해할 수 있다. This dissertation seeks to illuminate Uam Song Si-Yeol (尤庵 宋時裂, 1607-1689)`s theory on the Four Beginnings (四端) and the Seven Emotions (七情). I believe it will help us to recognize his position in the history of Joseon`s Neo-Confucianism. Firstly, he inherited Vulgok Yi I(栗谷 李珥, 1536-1584)`s monistic view that ki (氣), individuating material force, is the only active agent which issues in the phenomenal mind. Like Vulgok, he stressed the inseparability of Ii and ki, and rejected Toegye Yi Hwang (退溪 李滉, 1501-1570)`s dualistic theory on the "mutual issuance (互發)"of li and ki. However, Song Si-Veol emphasized the sovereignty of Ii more than Yulgok did, and deepened Yulgok`s view that "Li is universal and Ki is particular (理通氣局)". Secondly, as for the common source of the Four and the Seven, Uam emphasized the human nature incorporated into its physical endowment rather than human nature in its original state. While the latter as the immanence of Ii is purely good, the former as the combination of Ii and ki has the possibility of evil in ordinary life. With respect to self-cultivation, he paid attention to the existential limit conditioned by psychophysical constitution. Thirdly, unlike Vulgok, Uam thoroughly applied the basic principle that "Ki issues and Li rides it (氣發理乘)" to the Four. As a result, he insisted that the Four is not always good according to the condition of ki, In this sense, by neglecting the superiority of the Four and suggesting the Seven`s comprehending the Four, he erased the ontological distinction between the Four and the Seven. Fourthly, on the basis of the possibility of the Four`s attaining unproper measure, he introduced the theory on the human mind (人心) and the Tao mind (道心). Because the Four and the Seven are no more the distinctive feelings, agenda was shifted from the Four-Seven discussion into the human mind-Tao mind dichotomy tht is determined by the observance of the social norm. Therefore, Uam stressed the practice of the objective social norm rather than the introvert cultivation. As we have seen, Song Si-Yeol denied the distinctive character of the Four as the autonomous self-realization of Ii and stressed the practice of objective social norm. In this way, he suggested a more coherent and realistic theory on the Four and the Seven than those of Toegye`s and Yulgok`s. And Uam, the most powerful leader of Ki-Ho school (畿湖學派) in seventeenth century, set an important agenda for subsequent generations in the history of Korean Neo-Confucianism

Kang Youweis Interpretation of Mencius

The purpose of this study is to analyze the interpretation of Mencius by Kang Youwei (1858-1927), a leader of the Confucian movement during the turbulent period of modern China. After presenting Confuciuss great principle as the three ages in the Spring and Autumn Annals and the great unity in the Evolution of the Rites, he reinterpreted Menciuss thought in the Subtle Principles of Mencius in terms of this principle. First, Kang Youwei, based on Dong Zhongshus concept of innate good quality, not only synthesizes various existing theories on human nature by reinterpreting Menciuss concept of the goodness of human nature with a focus on the ordinary people, but also emphasizes that the good nature is the driving force behind the evolution of civilization. Second, Yao and Shun, for Kang Youwei, were sages of democracy who embodied the way of supreme peace and great unity, serving as symbolic figures that promoted moral advancement. Furthermore, nourishing the vast material-moral force, understanding of words, and the reciprocity of relations presented by Mencius were all defined as practices for realizing humanity. Third, Kang Youwei connected the concept of the evolution of the three ages with Menciuss humane politics, not only presenting the historical development process of government moving toward democracy in the age of supreme peace but also defining Menciuss political and economic systems, including the well-field land system (井田), in terms of the principle of equality. Fourth, Kang Youwei proposed the principle of equal politics, which makes people equal, and based on the concept of the competitive expansion of humanity, not only explained the process of history evolving from turbulent times to peaceful times but also presented a process of differential realization of benevolence. In conclusion, Kang Youwei, applying the concept of three-age evolution from the Spring and Autumn to the interpretation of Mencius, presented the moral evolutionism. In this view, human civilization progresses through historical stages, rooted in benevolence as the universal essence, with the ultimate goal of creating a world of supreme peace and unity. As humanity evolves, the scope of love expands accordingly, starting from the family, extending to all of humanity, and ultimately encompassing all things, realized in a differentiated way.이 논문은 2022년 대한민국 교육부와 한국연구재단의 지원을 받아 수행된 연구임(NRF-2022S1A5B5A17048552

캉유웨이(康有爲)의 정교관계(政敎關係) 담론: 공교(孔敎)의 국교화(國敎化)를 중심으로

This article is aimed to investigate Kang Youwei(康有爲, 1858~1927)s discourse on the relation between politics and religion, focusing on his effort of making Confucian religion(孔敎, Kǒngjiào) as the state religion(國敎) during the modern transitional period in Chinese society. First of all, Kang Youwei proposed a new religious policy centered on Chinese peoples free cult of Confucius by changing all improper temples(淫祠) into schools and destroying improper cults(淫祀) for blessing in order to make Confucian religion(孔敎, Kǒngjiào) as the state religion(國敎). Second, he insisted that Confucian religion responsible for Chinese civilization had been engraved deeply into the hearts of Chinese people as national spirit(國魂) transcending particular forms of states. Third, Kang Youwei, based on his belief in the universal evolution of human way(人道), thought that the Western modern political system and ideology had been already prepared in Confucian scriptures. Fourth, he used the modern principle of the separation of state and religion(政敎分離) to stress the religious identity of Confucian religion in the modern religious pluralism and to protect the Confucian religion against the governments policy of destroying Confucian traditions in public sphere. Moreover, the possibility of the peaceful coexistence of state religion and freedom of religion(信敎自由) was insisted on the basis of Confucian tolerance toward other religions and dualistic religious structure divided by state religion of the public morality and the individual religions of private faith. In conclusion, Kang Youweis unique discourse on the relation between politics and religion was based on the religious reform to make Confucian religion into the state religion and national spirit taking responsibility for public morality and forming Chinese national identity, and on the Confucianization of Western modernity to reduce the Western modern political system, ideologies, and principles on religion to the Confucian canonical ideas

Park Eun-sik’s discourse on religion

This paper seeks to illuminate BaekAm(白巖) Park Eun-sik(朴殷植, 1858~1927)’s discourse on religion formed in the context of Confucian reformation during the modern transitional period, focusing on the status and features of ‘Confucianism’.First of all, BaekAm saw the essence of religion as morality(K: dodeok 道德) and defined the religion as the learning of morality. Regarding the Christian Reformation as a major cause of western modern civilization, he pursued the protection of nation and achievement of civilization through the reformation of Confucianism. At the level of nation-state, religion as the national principia was the root of politics. He believed that Confucianism, the main religion having the cultural legitimacy, would contribute to the construction of a unified nation state based on the moral maturity of people with Confucian education. In particular, He insisted that forest of Confucianists(K: yurim 儒林) should be people-oriented moral practical subjects devoting themselves to the nation state with the enthusiasm of saving the world.Second, Park Eun-sik, in the situation of Korea’s independence movement, emphasized the ethnicity of religion on which “the national spirit(K: gukhon 國魂)” had relied. From the viewpoint of the evolution of morality, he stressed the public virtues(K: gongdeok 公德) for the country and the people rather than the private virtues(K: sadeok 私德) only for oneself and one’s own family.Third, Park Eun-sik stressed the importance of communication with other religious cultures or thoughts as the source of religious creativity in an age of Great Unity(K: daedong 大同). He presented the Confucius’s teaching of Great Unity making the world shared publicly on the basis of humanity (K: In 仁) as the substance making all things one body. The bliss and pleasure of Great Peace (K: taepyeong 太平) in time of Great Unity, had the meaning of resistance and criticism against all inequalities and violence. BaekAm, in the position of moral cosmopolitanism, insisted on winning the national independence and freedom through pacifism and humanism against the Japanese Empire’s militarism.Fourth, Park Eun-sik, on the basis of study of mind-heart(K: simhak 心學), posited that the fundamental core study dealing with the mind-heart practice should preside the rational science. Especially he, classifying the Dohak(道學, the study of Tao) and the Sokhak(俗學, ordinary study) by the standard of moral substance as the Heaven’s mandate, reduced the Dohak as the problem of innate knowledge of the good(K: yangji 良知). And the inner sacred master as the moral substance was presented as the ontological foundation of all religions. The spiritual civilization based on philosophy should preside the material civilization based on rational science. He believed that philosophy and religion shared the common task of constructing moral community through the subjective awareness of moral substance and the practical actualization of it.In conclusion, Park Eun-sik, defining religion as the learning of morality leading to modern civilization, stressed the religion’s public morality at the level of nation-state, and presented the sacred inner master as the ontological foundation of all religions. In particular he imagined the complementary relation between philosophy and religion for the complete realization of morality. In this sense, it can be said that Park Eun-sik’s discourse on religion, based on the modern study of mind-heart, creatively converged Confucian tradition and Western modernity.이 논문은2017년서울대학교인문학연구원산하종교문제연구소동삼운해유교연구기금으로부터 지원 받았음