17 research outputs found

    기계적 응λ ₯이 μΉ˜μ£ΌμΈλŒ€μ„Έν¬μ˜ 세포증식 및 세포주기 μ‘°μ ˆμΈμžλ“€μ˜ λ°œν˜„μ— λ―ΈμΉ˜λŠ” 영ν–₯

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    Thesis (doctoral)--μ„œμšΈλŒ€ν•™κ΅ λŒ€ν•™μ› :μΉ˜μ˜ν•™κ³Ό ꡬ강생화학전곡,1998.Docto

    μšΈμ‚°μ§€μ—­ λŒ€κΈ°μ—… λ…Έλ™μžλ₯Ό μ€‘μ‹¬μœΌλ‘œ, 1987-2010

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    λ³Έ 논문은 ν•œκ΅­ λ…Έλ™κ³„κΈ‰μ˜ μ—°λŒ€κ°€ μ•½ν™”λœ μ΄μœ μ™€ κ·Έ 과정을 노동계급 ν˜•μ„±κ³Ό λ³€ν˜•μ˜ μ‹œκ°μ—μ„œ 규λͺ…ν•˜μ˜€λ‹€. 이λ₯Ό μœ„ν•˜μ—¬ ν•œκ΅­μ˜ μ΅œλŒ€ μ‚°μ—…λ„μ‹œμΈ μšΈμ‚°μ˜ 쀑곡업뢀문 λŒ€κΈ°μ—…, 특히 ν˜„λŒ€μžλ™μ°¨μ™€ ν˜„λŒ€μ€‘κ³΅μ—…μ˜ μ‚°μ—…λ…Έλ™μž 집단을 연ꡬ λŒ€μƒμœΌλ‘œ μ„ μ •ν•˜μ˜€λ‹€. λ³Έ μ—°κ΅¬λŠ” 계급이 κ°κ΄€μ μœΌλ‘œ 주어진 ꡬ쑰에 μ˜ν•΄ κ²°μ •λ˜λŠ” 것이 μ•„λ‹ˆλΌ, ꡬ체적인 μ‹œκ³΅κ°„μ˜ λ§₯락 μ†μ—μ„œ 계급을 κ΅¬μ„±ν•˜λŠ” μ—¬λŸ¬ μΈ΅μœ„λ“€ κ°„μ˜ 우발적인 μƒν˜Έμž‘μš©μ˜ 결과둜 ν˜•μ„±λ˜λŠ” κ²ƒμ΄λΌλŠ” 이둠적 관점을 μ·¨ν•˜μ˜€λ‹€. 이에 따라 1987λ…„λΆ€ν„° 2010λ…„κΉŒμ§€ μšΈμ‚°μ§€μ—­ λ…Έλ™μžλ“€μ˜ 계급상황, 집단 정체성, μ§‘ν•©ν–‰λ™μ˜ μ„Έ 가지 μΈ΅μœ„λ“€ 각각의 λ³€ν™” 과정을 μΆ”μ ν•˜λŠ” ν•œνŽΈ, κ·Έ μΈ΅μœ„λ“€ κ°„μ˜ μƒν˜Έμž‘μš©μ˜ 결과에 μ£Όλͺ©ν•˜μ˜€λ‹€. 연ꡬ결과λ₯Ό μš”μ•½ν•˜λ©΄ λ‹€μŒκ³Ό κ°™λ‹€. 1) μšΈμ‚°μ§€μ—­μ˜ 노동계급 ν˜•μ„±μ€ 1987λ…„μ˜ λŒ€κ·œλͺ¨ λ…Έλ™μž 집합행동을 κ³„κΈ°λ‘œ 본격적으둜 μ§„ν–‰λ˜μ—ˆλ‹€. 맀우 λ™μ§ˆν™”λœ 계급상황을 배경으둜 집합행동이 λΆ„μΆœν•˜λ©΄μ„œ 기쑴의 얡압적 λ…Έμ‚¬κ΄€κ³„λŠ” λΉ λ₯΄κ²Œ λ¬΄λ„ˆμ‘Œλ‹€. κ·ΈλŸ¬λ‚˜ 폭발적 동원이 λ‚˜νƒ€λ‚œ 결정적 κ΅­λ©΄μ—μ„œ κ΅¬μ‘°ν™”λœ 쑰직적 μœ μ‚°λ“€μ€ μ΄ν›„μ˜ λ…Έλ™μž μ—°λŒ€λ₯Ό μ œμ•½ν•˜μ˜€λ‹€. 1987λ…„ 직후 λ…Έλ™μžλ“€μ˜ μžμƒμ μΈ 지역 μ—°λŒ€κ°€ ν™œμ„±ν™”λ˜μ—ˆμ§€λ§Œ 그것이 μ‘°μ§ν™”λ˜κ±°λ‚˜ μ œλ„ν™”λ˜μ§€λŠ” λͺ»ν•˜μ˜€κ³ , λ…Έλ™μž μ—°λŒ€μ˜ λ²”μœ„λ„ λ…Έλ™μ‹œμž₯ λΆ„μ ˆκ΅¬μ‘°λ₯Ό λ›°μ–΄λ„˜μ§€ λͺ»ν•˜μ˜€λ‹€. μ΄λŸ¬ν•œ μ œν•œμ  μ—°λŒ€μ˜ μ „ν†΅μœΌλ‘œ μΈν•˜μ—¬ μšΈμ‚°μ˜ μ§€μ—­λ…Έλ™μš΄λ™μ€ μ†Œμˆ˜μ˜ λŒ€κΈ°μ—… λ…Έμ‘°μ˜ μ „λž΅μ  선택에 μ˜μ‘΄ν•˜μ˜€λ‹€. μ΄λŸ¬ν•œ 쑰직적 μœ μ‚° μ†μ—μ„œ λŒ€κΈ°μ—… λ…Έμ‘°μ˜ λΆ„νŒŒμ  이읡 좔ꡬ μ„±ν–₯은 점점 컀져갔고 μ§€μ—­μ˜ λ‹€λ₯Έ λ…Έλ™μžλ“€κ³Όμ˜ 이해 균열은 λ„“μ–΄μ‘Œλ‹€. 2) 1990λ…„λŒ€ μšΈμ‚°μ§€μ—­ λ…Έλ™μžλ“€μ˜ κ³„κΈ‰μƒν™©μ—μ„œλŠ” 큰 λ³€ν™”κ°€ λ‚˜νƒ€λ‚¬λ‹€. κ·Έ λ³€ν™”λŠ” λ™μ§ˆν™”μ—μ„œ μ΄μ§ˆν™”λ‘œ μš”μ•½λ˜λ©°, κ·Έ νš¨κ³ΌλŠ” μ—°λŒ€μ˜ μ‚¬νšŒμ  기반의 μΉ¨μ‹μ΄μ—ˆλ‹€. μšΈμ‚°μ§€μ—­μ˜ λŒ€κΈ°μ—… 노쑰듀은 단체ꡐ섭을 ν†΅ν•œ μž„κΈˆμΈμƒ νˆ¬μŸμ„ 맀개둜 μ‘°ν•©μ›μ˜ μ „νˆ¬μ  동원 μ „λž΅μ„ 톡해 κ³„κΈ‰ν˜•μ„±μ„ 이루어갔닀. μ „νˆ¬μ  λ™μ›μ˜ 핡심 κΈ°μ œλŠ” μž„κΈˆκ·ΉλŒ€ν™”μ™€ μž„κΈˆν‰μ€€ν™” λͺ©ν‘œκ°€ κ²°ν•©λœ λ…Έμ‘° μž„κΈˆμ •μ±…κ³Ό 이에 λŒ€ν•œ μ‘°ν•©μ›μ˜ 높은 ν˜Έμ‘μ„±μ΄μ—ˆλ‹€. κ·ΈλŸ¬λ‚˜ λŒ€κΈ°μ—… λ…Έμ‘°μ˜ μž„κΈˆμΈμƒμ˜ μ •μΉ˜λŠ” 전체 λ…Έλ™κ³„κΈ‰μ˜ λΆ„μ ˆκ³Ό μ΄μ§ˆν™” 좔세와 λ³‘ν–‰ν•˜λŠ” κ²ƒμ΄μ—ˆλ‹€. λŒ€κΈ°μ—… λ…Έμ‘°μš΄λ™μ˜ μ„±κ³ΌλŠ” λ…Έλ™μž μ—°λŒ€μ˜ κ°•ν™”λ‘œ μ—°κ²°λ˜μ§€ λͺ»ν•˜μ˜€κ³  였히렀 μ—°λŒ€μ˜ μ‚¬νšŒμ  기반이 ν—ˆλ¬Όμ–΄μ§€λŠ” 역섀적 κ²°κ³Όκ°€ μ΄ˆλž˜λ˜μ—ˆλ‹€. 1990λ…„λŒ€ λ™μ•ˆ μšΈμ‚°μ§€μ—­μ˜ μ‚°μ—…λ…Έλ™μžλ“€μ€ μ „λ°˜μ μΈ κ³„κΈ‰μƒν™©μ—μ„œ λ™μ§ˆμ  κ³„κΈ‰μœΌλ‘œ 보기 νž˜λ“€μ–΄μ§ˆ 만큼 이질적인 μ‘΄μž¬κ°€ λ˜μ—ˆλ‹€. 3) λŒ€κΈ°μ—… μ‚°μ—…λ…Έλ™μžλ“€μ˜ μƒν™œμ„Έκ³„ λ˜ν•œ 1990λ…„λŒ€λ₯Ό 거치며 크게 λ³€ν˜•λ˜μ—ˆλ‹€. μž„κΈˆμ†Œλ“μ˜ μƒμŠΉ, κ°€μ‘±μž„κΈˆμ˜ μ„±μ·¨, μ†ŒλΉ„κ΅¬μ‘°μ˜ 고도화, 가정쀑심성에 κΈ°λ°˜ν•œ κ°€μ‘±μƒν™œ μ–‘μ‹μ˜ ν™•μ‚° 등이 λŒ€κΈ°μ—… λ…Έλ™μžμ˜ μƒν™œμ„Έκ³„ λ³€ν˜•μ˜ μ£Όμš” λ‚΄μš©μ΄λ‹€. 1990λ…„λŒ€μ˜ μ΄λŸ¬ν•œ μ‚Άμ˜ λ³€ν˜•μ€ 1μ„ΈλŒ€ μ‚°μ—…λ…Έλ™μžμ˜ μƒμ• κ³Όμ •μ—μ„œ λšœλ ·ν•œ μ‹ λΆ„μƒμŠΉμœΌλ‘œ κ²½ν—˜λ˜μ—ˆκ³ , ν•œκ΅­μ˜ λŒ€κΈ°μ—… λ…Έλ™μž 집단은 경제적 μΈ‘λ©΄μ—μ„œ 쀑산측화 λ˜μ—ˆλ‹€. κ·ΈλŸ¬λ‚˜ 경제적 μ€‘μ‚°μΈ΅ν™”λŠ” 남성 λ…Έλ™μžμ˜ μ‚Άμ˜ κ²½ν—˜μ— λΉ„μΆ”μ–΄ λ³Ό λ•Œ 뢀뢄적인 κ²ƒμ΄μ—ˆλ‹€. μ‹ λΆ„μƒμŠΉκ³Ό μƒν™œμ˜ μ•ˆλ½ν•¨μ΄ μž₯μ‹œκ°„μ˜ 곡μž₯노동과 κ΅ν™˜λ˜μ—ˆμ§€λ§Œ, μ •μž‘ 본인듀은 κ·Έ λ…Έκ³ μ˜ λŒ€κ°€λ₯Ό μ˜¨μ „νžˆ λˆ„λ¦¬μ§€ λͺ»ν•˜λŠ” 게 남성 λ…Έλ™μžλ“€μ˜ μ‚Άμ΄μ—ˆλ‹€. 이에 따라 λ…Έλ™μžλ“€μ˜ μ‚¬νšŒμ  정체성은 μ€‘μ‚°μΈ΅ν™”λœ μƒν™œμ„Έκ³„μ™€ μœ‘μ²΄λ…Έλ™μ˜ ν˜„μ‹€μ΄ μ§€λ°°ν•˜λŠ” 곡μž₯의 세계 사이에 μ‘΄μž¬ν•˜λŠ” 문화적 κ°„κ·Ή μ†μ—μ„œ κ·œμ •λ˜μ—ˆλ‹€. ν•œνŽΈμœΌλ‘œ, 이 문화적 κ°„κ·Ή μ†μ—μ„œ 남성 λ…Έλ™μžλ“€μ€ 경제적 μƒκ³„λΆ€μ–‘μž 역할을 μ€‘μ‹¬μœΌλ‘œ ν•œ μžμ‹ μ˜ μ‚¬νšŒμ  정체성을 μΈμ •λ°›κ³ μž ν•˜λŠ”λ°, μž„κΈˆμΈμƒ μœ„μ£Όμ˜ λ…Έμ‘°μš΄λ™μ΄ 남성 λ…Έλ™μžλ“€μ˜ μ΄λŸ¬ν•œ 정체성을 집단적 λ°©μ‹μœΌλ‘œ ν™•μΈν•˜κ³  μž¬μƒμ‚°ν•˜λŠ” κΈ°λŠ₯을 μˆ˜ν–‰ν•œλ‹€. λ‹€λ₯Έ ν•œνŽΈμœΌλ‘œ, 이 문화적 간극은 도ꡬ적 μ§‘λ‹¨μ£Όμ˜μ˜ ν–‰μœ„ μ„±ν–₯이 ν™•λŒ€Β·μž¬μƒμ‚°λ˜λŠ” 쑰건으둜 μž‘μš©ν•˜μ˜€λ‹€. 즉 λ…Έλ™μž 특유의 μ§‘λ‹¨μ£Όμ˜κ°€ 계급적 μ—°λŒ€λ³΄λ‹€λŠ” λ…Έλ™μž 개인의 μ§€μœ„ μƒμŠΉμ„ μœ„ν•œ λ„κ΅¬λ‘œ ν™œμš©λ˜λŠ” ν–‰μœ„ μ„±ν–₯이 λŒ€κΈ°μ—… λ…Έλ™μžλ“€μ„ μ§€λ°°ν•˜κ²Œ 된 것이닀. κ²°κ΅­ 도ꡬ적 μ§‘λ‹¨μ£Όμ˜ ν•˜μ—μ„œ μž„κΈˆμΈμƒμ„ μœ„ν•œ μ „νˆ¬μ  λ…Έμ‘°μš΄λ™μ€ 이제 κ³„κΈ‰μ˜ ν˜•μ„±μ„ μ΄‰μ§„ν•˜κΈ°λ³΄λ‹€λŠ” 였히렀 κ³„κΈ‰μ˜ 해체적 λ³€ν˜•μ— κΈ°μ—¬ν•˜κ²Œ λ˜λŠ” κΈ°λŠ₯ μ „ν™˜μ„ κ²ͺ게 λ˜μ—ˆλ‹€. 4) μ΄μƒμ˜ λ…Έλ™κ³„κΈ‰μ˜ 해체적 λ³€ν˜•μ€ μ‚°μ—…μ˜ μ‹œκ°„μ΄ 고도성μž₯의 κ΅­λ©΄μ—μ„œ μ™Έν™˜μœ„κΈ°λ₯Ό κ³„κΈ°λ‘œ λΆˆν™©κ³Ό κ΅¬μ‘°μ‘°μ •μ˜ ꡭ면으둜 μ§„μž…ν•˜κ²Œ λ˜λ©΄μ„œ 본격적으둜 μ™Έν™”λ˜μ—ˆλ‹€. 해체적 λ³€ν˜•μ˜ μ–‘νƒœλŠ” 크게 λ‹€μŒ μ„Έ κ°€μ§€λ‘œ λ‚˜νƒ€λ‚¬λ‹€. 첫째, λŒ€κΈ°μ—… λ…Έλ™μžλ“€μ˜ 집단 정체성은 배타적인 λͺ¨μŠ΅μœΌλ‘œ λ³€ν™”ν•˜μ˜€λŠ”λ°, 그것은 λŒ€κΈ°μ—… λ…Έμ‘°μ˜ ν™œλ™μ—μ„œ μ—°λŒ€ μ „λž΅λ³΄λ‹€λŠ” μ‚¬νšŒμ  폐쇄 μ „λž΅μ΄ 전면에 λ‚˜μ„œλ„λ‘ ν•˜μ˜€λ‹€. 이 λ³€ν˜• κ³Όμ •μ˜ μ€‘μ‹¬μ—λŠ” μ‚¬λ‚΄ν•˜μ²­ λ…Έλ™μžμ— λŒ€ν•œ 쑰직적 λ°°μ œκ°€ μžλ¦¬ν•˜κ³  μžˆλ‹€. λ‘˜μ§Έ, μ™Έν™˜μœ„κΈ° 이후 λŒ€κΈ°μ—… λ…Έμ‘°μ˜ μž„κΈˆμ •μ±…μ—μ„œλ„ μΌμ •ν•œ λ³€ν™”κ°€ λ‚˜νƒ€λ‚¬λ‹€. 2000λ…„λŒ€μ— λ…Έμ‘°μ˜ μž„κΈˆκ·ΉλŒ€ν™” λͺ©ν‘œλŠ” λ³€λ™μ„±κ³ΌκΈ‰μ˜ 비쀑 ν™•λŒ€λ₯Ό 톡해 λ‹¬μ„±λ˜μ—ˆλ‹€. 이것은 λŒ€κΈ°μ—… λ…Έμ‘°μš΄λ™μ΄ 계급내 μ—°λŒ€λ³΄λ‹€λŠ” κΈ°μ—… λ‚΄μ—μ„œμ˜ 계급간 동맹을 μš°μ„ μ‹œν•˜λŠ” κ²°κ³Όλ₯Ό μ΄ˆλž˜ν•˜κ³  μžˆλ‹€. λ˜ν•œ κΈ°μ‘΄ μ •κ·œμ§ μ‘°ν•©μ›λ“€μ—κ²Œλ§Œ 적용되던 λ…Έμ‘°μ˜ μž„κΈˆν‰μ€€ν™” 정책은 μ‚¬λ‚΄ν•˜μ²­ λ…Έλ™μžλ“€μ˜ 동일노동 λ™μΌμž„κΈˆ μš”κ΅¬λ₯Ό μˆ˜μš©ν•˜μ§€ λͺ»ν•˜λ©΄μ„œ μ •λ‹Ήμ„± λ¬Έμ œμ— μ§λ©΄ν•˜κ²Œ λ˜μ—ˆλ‹€. μ…‹μ§Έ, λŒ€κΈ°μ—… λ…Έλ™μžμ˜ 집합행동 νŒ¨ν„΄μ—μ„œλŠ” μ €ν•­ λΉˆλ„μ˜ μ „λ°˜μ  κ°μ†Œ, μ €ν•­ λ ˆνΌν† λ¦¬μ˜ μ˜¨κ±΄ν™”, μ—°λŒ€μ  μ§‘ν•©ν–‰λ™μ˜ 쇠퇴, νŒŒμ—…ν–‰λ™μ˜ μ˜λ‘€ν™” ν˜„μƒμ΄ κ΄€μ°°λ˜μ—ˆλ‹€. 졜근 μšΈμ‚°μ§€μ—­μ—μ„œλŠ” 기쑴에 μ§€μ—­λ…Έλ™μš΄λ™μ„ μ£Όλ„ν–ˆλ˜ λŒ€κΈ°μ—… λ…Έμ‘°μ˜ 집합행동은 μ‡ ν‡΄ν•˜κ³  λΉ„μ •κ·œμ§ λ“±μ˜ μ£Όλ³€λΆ€ λ…Έλ™μžλ“€μ˜ μ €ν•­ ν™œμ„±ν™”λΌλŠ” μƒˆλ‘œμš΄ 양상이 μΆœν˜„ν•˜κ³  μžˆλ‹€. 5) μ’…ν•©μ μœΌλ‘œ 보면, μšΈμ‚°μ§€μ—­μ˜ μ‚¬λ‘€μ—μ„œ λ³Ό 수 μžˆλ“―μ΄ ν•œκ΅­μ˜ μˆ˜μΆœλΆ€λ¬Έ 재벌 λŒ€κΈ°μ—…μ˜ λ…Έλ™μžλ“€μ€ 같은 계급 μœ„μΉ˜λ₯Ό κ³΅μœ ν•˜λŠ” λ…Έλ™μžλ“€κ³Όμ˜ μ—°λŒ€λ³΄λ‹€λŠ” κ·Έλ“€λ§Œμ˜ 배타적 이해λ₯Ό μ’‡μ•„κ°€λŠ” λΆ„νŒŒμ  κ²½ν–₯이 컀져갔닀. 집단 정체성 μΈ΅μœ„μ—μ„œ 도ꡬ적 μ§‘λ‹¨μ£Όμ˜μ˜ ν–‰μœ„ μ„±ν–₯이 μ§€λ°°ν•˜κ³  있고, 계급상황과 쑰직의 μΈ΅μœ„μ—μ„œλŠ” 쑰직의 λΆ„μ‚°μ„±κ³Ό κ³„κΈ‰μƒν™©μ˜ μ΄μ§ˆμ„±μ˜ 결합이 λ‚³λŠ” μ•…μˆœν™˜ 속에 μ²˜ν•΄ 있으며, μ’…ν•©μ μœΌλ‘œλŠ” κ³„κΈ‰μ˜ 해체적 λ³€ν˜•μ„ κ²ͺκ³  μžˆλ‹€. ν–₯ν›„ ν•œκ΅­μ˜ 쑰직 노동이 계급 μž¬ν˜•μ„±κ³Ό 계급 νŒŒνŽΈν™”μ˜ 경둜 쀑 μ–΄λ– ν•œ 길둜 λ‚˜μ•„κ°ˆμ§€λŠ” ν˜„μž¬μ˜ 해체적 λ³€ν˜• 과정을 μ œμ–΄ν•  수 μžˆλŠ” λΆ„μ ˆ μ†μ˜ μ—°λŒ€λ₯Ό 이루어낼 수 μžˆλŠ”μ§€μ— λ‹¬λ €μžˆλ‹€.Working-Class Formation and Transformation in South Korea: Unionism and Life-Worlds of Industrial Workers in Ulsan, 1987-2010 Yoo, Hyung Geun Department of Sociology Graduate School Seoul National University From the perspective of class formation and its transformation, this study investigates why and how working-class solidarity in South Korea has been diminished. To do this, the study undertakes a case study of the unionism and life-worlds of industrial workers employed by large factories in the Hyundai automobile and ship-building industries in the city of Ulsan from 1987 to 2010. Contending that social classes are not determined by the objectively given structures of relations of production, it takes the theoretical standing that they are made, in particular time-spatial contexts, by the contingent interaction process among the levels or tiers that constitute them, such as the economic structure, class situation, collective identities and collective action. The findings can be summarized as follows: 1) The organized labor movement in the Ulsan region emerged after the Great Workers Struggle of 1987, and the process of working-class formation in the region, severely repressed by the authoritarian regime for a long time, has continued since then. Given the situation of a highly homogeneous class of tens of thousands of industrial workers in the region, especially those working for Hyundai and its subsidiaries, the labor offensive quickly broke down the authoritarian industrial relations and exploitive work rules. However, at the critical juncture of great labor protests and the wave of unionization after 1987, unionists in Ulsan failed to set up regional class-wide organizations that could transcend the boundaries of enterprise unionism and foster workers solidarity beyond the limits of individual workplaces. As a result of the organizational legacies bequeathed by the critical juncture of the workers mobilization, regional labor movements in Ulsan hereafter tended to depend crucially upon enterprise unionism at one or two large-scale companies such as Hyundai Motor Company (HMC) and Hyundai Heavy Industries (HHI), which belonged to the largest leading conglomerate (chaebol) in South Korea. In addition, without an effective organizational means of constraining the sectionalism of the workers in large enterprises, the once relatively common interests of workers were split apart mainly according to segmented labor markets and the market status of each company. 2) After the critical juncture of workers collective action, the class situation of industrial workers in Ulsan changed significantly during the 1990s. The overall changes can be summarized as spanning from homogeneity to heterogeneity, and undermining the social foundations of class solidarity. Keeping pace with the gradual institutionalization of the collective bargaining system in the early 1990s, large-scale enterprise unions in Ulsan increasingly concentrated their resources on enterprise-level wage increase efforts by means of the militant mobilization of rank-and-file workers, which were the effective measures for making a working class within the severe constraints imposed by the labor-exclusive political regime and oppressive labor laws. Therefore, the core mechanism of working-class formation was to strengthen the interaction in the workplace between the union wage policy, which mainly aimed at wage-share maximization and internal wage leveling, and the active participation of rank-and-file workers during the mobilization process. The militant mobilization strategy of enterprise unionism was so successful that wages increased dramatically, wage differentials among union members were considerably reduced, and company welfare programs were vastly expanded. However, there was a dark side of the politics of wage increase efforts by large-scale enterprise unions, specifically intensified market segmentation and heterogeneity in the class situation among the working-class in general, which gradually encroached on the social foundations of class-wide solidarity. After all, industrial workers in Ulsan were too heterogeneous to assume that they may belong to the same social category in terms of the class situation. 3) A profound transformation of the life-worlds of industrial workers at large companies was brought about during the 1990s. As their family life-styles and consumption patterns reached the level of middle-class families, we can say that the embourgeoisement of the manual workers, which was well-known in Western Europe and the US during the 1950s-1960s, appeared in Korea. From the life-courses of the first generation of Korean industrial workers, who had long been regarded as occupying a low and unrespectable status, living a stable life with material affluence and financial security was considered as independent evidence of upwardly mobility of their social position. However, the embourgeoisement of workers living standards could be maintained in exchange for their hard work in factories, where they had to work very long hours with day/night shiftwork at regular intervals. It was not his home or family but the factory around which the lives of male industrial workers mainly revolved. Therefore, social identities of industrial workers were constructed in the cultural gap between the factory-worlds with painful manual labor and the life-worlds with the living standards of middle-class families. As long as these the cultural gap widened, the instrumental collectivism was likely to prevail over the solidaristic collectivism in the industrial workers orientation towards collective action and labor unionism. 4) After the Asian financial crisis of 1997 and subsequent drastic restructurings, the process of class formation entered the stage of class transformation on the way to its dissolution. Three aspects of class transformation are as follows: First, the collective identities of industrial workers in large companies were changed into rather exclusive identities, and large-scale enterprise unionism was inclined to choose the strategy of social closure rather than of class solidarity. At the core of the change, there was an organizational exclusion against thousands of in-house subcontracted workers, who has been discriminated against unfairly on the grounds of their employment status in spite of performing jobs that were identical or similar to those of regular workers. Secondly, there were changes in wage policy of the large-scale labor unions during the 2000s. Unions quests for the wage-share maximization were pursued by means of industrial cooperation with management or via performance-based pay systems, which had been desperately opposed by the labor unionists themselves during the 1990s. In addition, as in-house subcontracted workers were organized independently and began to make legitimate claims for equal pay for equal work, the existing wage-leveling policy of regular workers unions needed to be modified substantially in order to promote greater wage equity among the various types of workers in the same factory. However, it was just a partial and limited acceptance of the wage equity principle actually enacted by the regular workers union. As a result, unionism at large factories was faced with a serious crisis of legitimacy. Finally, the patterns of the collective action of industrial workers at large companies were also transformed during the 2000s. Their characteristics can be summarized as follows: an overall decrease in the frequency of protests, moderation of the repertoire of protests, the decline of the solidary culture of protests and the routinization of strike activities. In contrast, there were sudden rises in the number of protests by workers who had scarcely raised their voices previously in the Ulsan region, such as workers in small and medium-sized enterprises, non-regular workers and public sector employees. The overall changes in workers collective actions indicated a gradual shift in the agents of labor movements. 5) Ultimately, we conclude that working-class transformation was an effect of a heterogeneous class situation and a segmented labor market in the context of decentralized class organization, i.e., enterprise unionism. Under such a condition, industrial workers and their unions in large firms tended to defend their own exclusive interests rather than to promote solidarity with other workers and labor unions in different sectors, industries, and workplaces. At present, trapped in a vicious cycle at the intersection of heterogeneity and decentralization, the Korean working-class has undergone a gradual transformation towards class dissolution. In the long run, whether labor movements in Korea will be able to make a more solidaristic working class or the dissolved one depends upon their capacity and willingness to foster solidarity within segmentation. Key Words: working-class, class formation, class transformation, Ulsan, unionism, solidarity, instrumental collectivismDocto

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    A Study for the Development of the Teacher Burnout Inventory(TBI)

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