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    μ§€λ°©μžμΉ˜μ™€ μ£Όλ―Όμ°Έμ—¬

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    μš°λ¦¬λ‚˜λΌλŠ” 건ꡭ후 민주주의의 μ‹€ν—˜κΈ°μ˜€λ˜ 1952λ…„λΆ€ν„° μ§€λ°©μžμΉ˜μ œλ₯Ό λ„μž…ν•˜μ—¬ μ§€λ°©μ˜νšŒλ₯Ό κ΅¬μ„±ν•˜κ³  각급 지방행정 κΈ°κ΄€μ˜ μž₯을 μ„ κ±°ν•˜λŠ” μ œλ„λ₯Ό μ‹œν–‰ν•œ λ°” μžˆλ‹€. κ·ΈλŸ¬λ‚˜ 이 μ œλ„λŠ” μ‹œν–‰μ°©μ˜€μ™€ μš°μ—¬κ³‘μ ˆ 끝에 10년을 미쳐 λ‹€ μ±„μš°μ§€ λͺ»ν•˜κ³  1961 λ…„ 5. 16 직후 ꡰ사정뢀에 μ˜ν•΄ μ€‘μ§€λ˜μ—ˆλ˜ 것이닀. μ§€λ°©μžμΉ˜μ˜ λΆ€ν™œλ¬Έμ œλŠ” 1980λ…„ 이래 μ—¬λŸ¬ 차둀에 걸쳐 μ •μΉ˜κ°œν˜μ˜ 과제둜 λΆ€κ°λœ λ°” μžˆλ‹€. 제6곡화ꡭ μΆœλ²”μ˜ 계기λ₯Ό μ΄λ£¨μ—ˆλ˜ 1987λ…„μ˜ 6.29 μ„ μ–Έμ—μ„œλ„ μ§€λ°©μžμΉ˜ μ‹€μ‹œλŠ” κ°œν˜μ„ μœ„ν•œ μ£Όμš” 곡약 쀑 ν•˜λ‚˜λ‘œ μ·¨κΈ‰λœ λ°” μžˆλ‹€. κ·ΈλŸ¬λ‚˜ μ•„μ§κΉŒμ§€λ„ μ§€λ°©μžμΉ˜ μ‹€μ‹œλ¬Έμ œλŠ” μ—¬μ•Όμ˜ 쟁점이 되고 μžˆμ„ 뿐 원점을 맴돌고 μžˆλŠ” μƒνƒœλ‹€. ν•œκ΅­μ€ μˆ˜λ°±λ…„μ— 걸쳐 μ€‘μ•™μ§‘κΆŒν™”λœ κ΄€λ£Œμ œμ  ν†΅μΉ˜μ˜ 역사λ₯Ό 가지고 있으며 μ§€λ°©λΆ„κΆŒκ³Ό 자치의 전톡이 μ•½ν–ˆλ‹€. λ”μš±μ΄ μ§€λ‚œ 25λ…„κ°„ κ΅°μ‚¬μ •λΆ€λŠ” κ·ΌλŒ€ν™”μ˜ κΈ°μΉ˜μ•„λž˜ κ΅­λ ₯의 쑰직화와 νš¨μœ¨ν™”λ₯Ό κ°•μ‘°, κ΄€λ£Œμ œμ  ν†΅μ œμ™€ μ§‘κΆŒμ  ν–‰μ •μ²΄μ œλ₯Ό λ”μš± κ°•ν™”μ‹œμΌœ μ™”λ‹€. 인ꡬ성μž₯, λ„μ‹œν™”, ꡐ톡과 ν†΅μ‹ μˆ˜λ‹¨μ˜ λ°œλ‹¬ λ“±μœΌλ‘œ μΈν•΄μ„œ κ·Έ 이후 κ΅­ν† λŠ” λ”μš± 쒁아지고 κ΅­λ―Όμƒν™œλ„ λ”μš± 더 νšμΌν™” λ˜μ—ˆλ‹€. 이처럼 μ˜€λž˜λ™μ•ˆ μ€‘μ•™μ§‘κΆŒμ  ν†΅μΉ˜μ— μ΅μˆ™ν•΄ μ˜¨λ°λ‹€ ꡐ톡과 톡신이 λ°œλ‹¬ν•˜μ—¬ 전ꡭ이 μΌμΌμƒν™œκΆŒμ΄ λ˜μ–΄λ²„λ¦° λ§ˆλ‹Ήμ— κ΅¬νƒœμ—¬ μ§€λ°©μžμΉ˜λ₯Ό μ™œ ν•΄μ•Ό ν•˜λŠ”κ°€ ν•˜λŠ”λ° 의문이 μžˆμ„ μˆ˜λ„ μžˆλ‹€. κ·Έ μ΄μœ λŠ” ν•œλ§ˆλ””λ‘œ 말해 μ€‘μ•™μ§‘κΆŒμ  μ •μΉ˜κΆŒλ ₯κ³Ό 획일적 μ‚¬νšŒν†΅μ œλ‘œμ„œλŠ” 더 이상 ꡭ민의 μš”κ΅¬μ™€ 여망에 λΆ€μ‘ν•˜λŠ” ν†΅μΉ˜λ₯Ό ν•  수 μ—†κ²Œ λ˜μ—ˆκΈ° λ•Œλ¬Έμ΄λ‹€

    μ „ν›„μ„ΈλŒ€μ˜ μ •μΉ˜μ˜μ‹κ³Ό μ •μΉ˜μ‚¬νšŒν™”

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    μ •μΉ˜λ¬Έν™”μ™€ μ •μΉ˜μ˜μ‹

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    ν•œκ΅­μ‚¬νšŒμ—μ„œ λ―Όμ£Όμ£Όμ˜κ°€ μ •μΉ˜μ²΄μ œμ˜ 기본적인 μ΄λ…μœΌλ‘œ λ„μž…λœ 것은 제1κ³΅ν™”κ΅­μ˜ μΆœλ²”κ³Ό ν•¨κ»˜μ˜€λ‹€. λ―Όμ£Όμ£Όμ˜λŠ” κ΅­λ―Όμ£ΌκΆŒμ— μ˜ν•΄ μ •μΉ˜μ²΄μ œμ˜ 운용 원리가 λ„μΆœλœλ‹€λŠ” 이념과 κ°€μΉ˜λ₯Ό μ „μ œλ‘œ ν•˜κ³  μžˆλ‹€. 그런데 μ΄λŸ¬ν•œ 이념과 κ°€μΉ˜κ°€ ꡬ체적으둜 κ΅¬ν˜„λ˜κΈ° μœ„ν•΄μ„œλŠ” μš°μ„  μ‹œλ―Όμ‚¬νšŒμ˜ 민주적 기반이 λ§ˆλ ¨λ˜μ–΄μ•Ό ν•˜λ©°, κ·Έ 바탕 μœ„μ—μ„œ λŒ€μ˜μ •μΉ˜μ™€ λ²•μΉ˜μ£Όμ˜κ°€ 확립될 수 μžˆμ–΄μ•Ό ν•œλ‹€. 잘 μ•Œλ €μ§„ 바와 같이 μ˜€λŠ˜λ‚  μ„œκ΅¬μ˜ 선진 민주주의 μ²΄μ œμ—μ„œλŠ” μ •μΉ˜μ μœΌλ‘œλŠ” μ ˆλŒ€κ΅°μ£Όμ œμ— λŒ€ν•œ λΉ„νŒκ³Ό 저항을 ν†΅ν•΄μ„œ, 그리고 μ‚¬νšŒμ μœΌλ‘œλŠ” 자본주의 경제의 ν† λŒ€ μœ„μ—μ„œ μ‹œλ―Όμ‚¬νšŒκ°€ ν˜•μ„±λ˜μ—ˆκ³ , κ΅­κ°€μ²΄μ œλŠ” 이λ₯Ό λ°”νƒ•μœΌλ‘œ λŒ€μ˜μ œμ™€ λ²•μΉ˜κ΅­κ°€λ‘œ λ°œμ „ν•΄ λ‚˜κ°”λ‹€. κ·ΈλŸ¬λ‚˜ ν•œκ΅­μ˜ κ²½μš°μ—λŠ” μΌμ œμ‹λ―Όμ£Όμ˜μ˜ ν†΅μΉ˜λ₯Ό 거쳐 해방이 λ˜λ©΄μ„œ λ―Όμ£Όμ£Όμ˜κ°€ κ·ΌλŒ€μ  μ‹œλ―Όμ‚¬νšŒμ˜ ν† λŒ€κ°€ λΆ€μž¬ν•œ 채 ν•˜λ£¨μ•„μΉ¨μ— λ„μž…λ˜μ—ˆλ‹€. μ΄λŸ¬ν•œ 여건 λ•Œλ¬Έμ— 민주곡화ꡭ ν—Œλ²•μ΄ μ œμ •, μ„ ν¬λ˜μ—ˆμœΌλ‚˜, λŒ€μ˜μ œλ„μ™€ λ²•μΉ˜μ£Όμ˜μ˜ 전톡이 λΏŒλ¦¬λ‚΄λ¦΄ 겨λ₯Όμ΄ μ—†μ—ˆλ‹€

    Democratization and Quality of Life in Korea : Review and Assessment

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    AbstractSouth Korea has made a remarkable progress in democratization over the last ten years. Despite this, institutions of democracy do not function effectively enough to meet the rising level of citizens' expectations. The majority of its people still do not believe that the process of democratization has greatly improved their lives. South Korea's new democracy faces many challengers. First, government performance and policy effectiveness need to be upgraded to meet citizens' expectations. Second, reform drives and democratization program have to be better coordinated so as to improve the quality of life of the general populace. Third, the values, goals and norms of democracy need to be firmly rooted in the cultural orientation and behavior patterns of the people. In addition, the future of Korean democracy largely depends on whether it secures social and economic bases to achieve peaceful unification of the two Koreas, and ultimately encompass the North Korean people in democratic polity

    Organizational Culture in the Changing Social Environments

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    ν˜„λŒ€λŠ” λ¬Έν™”μ˜ μ‹œλŒ€λ‹€. 이λ₯Ό λ°˜μ˜ν•˜μ—¬, 졜근 ν•œκ΅­μ‚¬νšŒμ—μ„œλ„ λŒ€μ€‘λ¬Έν™”Β·λ―Όμ€‘λ¬Έν™”Β·μ²­μ†Œλ…„λ¬Έν™”μ™€ 같은 비ꡐ적 μΉœμˆ™ν•œ κ°œλ…κ³Ό λ”λΆˆμ–΄ μ‘°μ§λ¬Έν™”λ‚˜ 기업문화와 같은 그닀지 μ΅μˆ™ν•˜μ§€ μ•Šμ€ κ°œλ…λ„ 자주 μ‚¬μš©λ˜κ³  μžˆλ‹€. 일상적 μ‚Άμ˜ μ˜μ—­μ—μ„œ μžμ—°μ μœΌλ‘œ μ°½μ‘°Β·μ „μŠΉΒ·μž¬μ°½μ‘°μ˜ 과정을 κ²ͺλŠ” μΌλ°˜λ¬Έν™”λΏ μ•„λ‹ˆλΌ, νŠΉμ • μ‘°μ§μ΄λ‚˜ 기업이 μ–΄λ–€ λͺ©μ μ„ λ‹¬μ„±ν•˜κΈ° μœ„ν•˜μ—¬ μ˜λ„μ μœΌλ‘œ μ°½μΆœΒ·ν™•μ‚°μ‹œν‚€λŠ” λ¬Έν™”κ°€ μ‘΄μž¬ν•˜κ³  μžˆλ‹€. μ΄λŸ¬ν•œ μ‘°μ§λ¬Έν™”Β·κΈ°μ—…λ¬Έν™”μ˜ μ •μ˜μ™€ μ“°μž„μƒˆλ₯Ό ν™•μΈν•˜κΈ° μœ„ν•΄μ„œλŠ” 그것을 κ΅¬μ„±ν•˜λŠ” λΆ€λΆ„κ°œλ…μ— λŒ€ν•œ 의미λ₯Ό λ°νžˆλŠ” μž‘μ—…μ΄ μš”κ΅¬λœλ‹€

    The May 31 st 2006 Local Elections in South Korea: Analysis of the Election Results

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    이 논문은 2006 λ…„ 5μ›” 31 일에 μ‹€μ‹œλœ 제14회 μ „κ΅­λ™μ‹œμ§€λ°©μ„ κ±°μ˜ μ „ 과정을 닀룬 μ—°κ΅¬λ³΄κ³ μ„œ (μ•ˆμ²­μ‹œ μ™Έ 2006 κ·Όκ°„) 쀑 μ„ κ±°κ²°κ³Όλ₯Ό μ€‘μ‹¬μœΌλ‘œ μž¬κ΅¬μ„±ν•œ 것이닀 5.31 μ§€λ°©μ„ κ±°λŠ” κ°œμ •λœ 선거법에 κ·Όκ±°ν•œ 일련의 μ œλ„μ  λ³€ν™” μ†μ—μ„œ μ‹œν–‰λ˜μ—ˆλ‹€. λ”°λΌμ„œ 이 μ—°κ΅¬λŠ” μ΄λŸ¬ν•œ μ œλ„μ  변화와 λ”λΆˆμ–΄ μ •λ‹Ήμ˜ μ—­ν• οΌŒ ν›„λ³΄μž μ„ μ •κ³Όμ •οΌŒ μ„ κ±°μ°Έμ—¬ 및 μ„ κ±°ν™˜κ²½μ˜ λ³€ν™”κ°€ μ„ κ±°κ²°κ³Ό μ „λ°˜μ— 미친 영ν–₯을 μ„ κ΄€μœ„ λ“±μ—μ„œ λ°œν‘œν•œ 일차자료λ₯Ό λ°”νƒ•μœΌλ‘œ μ‚΄νŽ΄λ³΄μ•˜λ‹€. 주둜 λ‹¨μˆœλΉˆλ„ λ“± μ„œμˆ μ  톡계기법을 μ μš©ν•˜μ˜€κ³ οΌŒ 과거의 지방선거와 λΉ„κ΅ν•΄μ„œ 이번 μ„ κ±°μ„ κ±°μ—μ„œ κ΄€μ°°λœ νŠΉμ§•κ³Ό λ³€ν™”λ₯Ό μ„œμˆ μ  비ꡐ뢄석 방법을 μ›μš©ν•˜μ—¬ μΆ”μ ν•˜μ˜€λ‹€. 이 μ—°κ΅¬μ˜ μ£Όμš”λ°œκ²¬μ„ μš”μ•½ν•˜λ©΄ λ‹€μŒκ³Ό κ°™λ‹€. 첫째, 유ꢌ자의 μ •μΉ˜κΆŒμ— λŒ€ν•œ λΆˆμ‹  ν™•λŒ€μ™€ μ •λ‹Ήμ€‘μ‹¬μ˜ νˆ¬ν‘œν–‰νƒœκ°€ 지방선거 μ „λ°˜μ„ ν†΅ν•΄μ„œ κ΄‘λ²”ν•˜κ²Œ ν‘œμΆœλ˜μ—ˆλ‹€. μ΄λŠ” μ€‘μ•™μ •μΉ˜μ˜ νŠΉμ„± 및 유ꢌ자 νˆ¬ν‘œν–‰νƒœκ°€ μ§€λ°©μœΌλ‘œκΉŒμ§€ ν™•λŒ€λ˜μ–΄ 재판되고 μžˆμŒμ„ 보여쀀닀. λ‘˜μ§Έ ν•œλ‚˜λΌλ‹Ήμ΄ ν˜Έλ‚¨μ„ μ œμ™Έν•œ 전ꡭ을 λͺ¨λ‘ μ„κΆŒν•˜μ—¬ β€˜ν•œλ‚˜λΌλ‹Ή μ••μŠΉοΌŒ μ—΄λ¦°μš°λ¦¬λ‹Ή μ™„νŒ¨β€™ λΌλŠ” 정당별 μ–‘λΆ„ν™” ν˜„μƒμ΄ κ³΅κ³ ν™”λ˜μ—ˆλ‹€. μ•„μšΈλŸ¬ λ¬΄μ†Œμ† μΆœμ‹ ν›„λ³΄μ˜ μ •μΉ˜μ  μž…μ§€κ°€ μ’μ•„μ§€λŠ” μΆ”μ„Έκ°€ κ°€μ†ν™”λ˜μ—ˆλ‹€. μ΄λŠ” 이번 μ„ κ±°μ—μ„œλΆ€ν„° κΈ°μ΄ˆμ˜μ› μˆ˜μ€€κΉŒμ§€ ν™•λŒ€Β·μ μš©λœ μ •λ‹Ήκ³΅μ²œμ œ κ°•ν™”μ˜ 효과 및 지방선거가 μ§‘κΆŒμ—¬λ‹Ή 및 μ •κΆŒμ— λŒ€ν•œ 쀑간평가 κΈ°λŠ₯으둜 κ³ μ°©λ˜μ–΄ λ‚˜κ°€λŠ” μΆ”μ„Έλ‘œ ν’€μ΄λœλ‹€. μ…‹μ§ΈοΌŒ 과거의 지방선거에 λΉ„ν•΄ - 특히 λΉ„λ‘€μ˜μ„ λ°°λΆ„μ—μ„œ - μ—¬μ„±ν›„λ³΄μ˜ λ‹Ήμ„ λΉ„μœ¨μ΄ ν˜„μ €ν•˜κ²Œ μ¦κ°€ν•˜μ˜€κ³ οΌŒ λ‹Ήμ„ μž ν•™λ ₯이 μ „λ°˜μ μœΌλ‘œ μƒμŠΉν•˜λŠ” μΆ”μ„Έκ°€ ν™•μΈλ˜μ—ˆλ‹€. μ—¬μ„± λŒ€ν‘œμ„±μ˜ μ¦λŒ€λŠ” μ •λ‹Ήλͺ…뢀식 λΉ„λ‘€λŒ€ν‘œμ œμ™€ μ—¬μ„±ν• λ‹Ήμ œμ˜ κ²°ν•©λœ νš¨κ³Όκ°€ μ μ§„μ μœΌλ‘œ μ •μ°©ν™”λ˜κ³  있음으둜 μœ μΆ”λ˜λ©°οΌŒ μ§€λ°©μ •μΉ˜ μ—˜λ¦¬νŠΈμ˜ ν•™λ ₯μƒμŠΉμ€ μ§€λ°©μ˜μ›μ˜ μœ κΈ‰ν™” 영ν–₯을 λ°˜μ˜ν•˜λŠ” κ²ƒμœΌλ‘œ ν’€μ΄λ˜λ‚˜ 이 관계에 λŒ€ν•΄μ„œλŠ” 보닀 심측적인 연ꡬ가 ν•„μš”ν•˜λ‹€. μ „λ°˜μ μœΌλ‘œ 이 μ—°κ΅¬λŠ” ν•œκ΅­μ˜ μ§€λ°©μ •μΉ˜κ°€ λ―Όμ£Όν™” 이후 점점 더 μ€‘μ•™μ˜ μ •λ‹Ήμ •μΉ˜μ— λŒ€ν•œ μ˜μ‘΄λ„μ™€ μ˜ˆμ†ν™” κ²½ν–₯이 μ‹¬ν™”λ˜λŠ” μΆ”μ„Έλ‘œ λ‚˜μ•„κ°€κ³  μžˆμŒμ„ μ‹œμ‚¬ν•΄ μ€€λ‹€. 5.31 μ§€λ°©μ„ κ±°λŠ” ν•œκ΅­μ˜ μ§€λ°©μžμΉ˜κ°€ κ΅¬ν˜„ν•˜κ³ μž ν•˜λŠ” 이념과 κ°€μΉ˜ - μžμœ¨μ„±οΌŒ λ―Όμ£Όμ„±οΌŒ νš¨μœ¨μ„±β€¦β€¦ λ₯Ό 잘 μ‚΄λ € λ‚΄λŠ”λ° μ‹€νŒ¨ν•œ μ •μΉ˜ν–‰μ‚¬λ‘œ ν‰κ°€λœλ‹€. λ¬Έμ œλŠ” μ§€λ°©μ˜ μ€‘μ•™μ˜μ‘΄ν™”κ°€ μ€‘μ•™μ˜ μ •λ‹Ήμ •μΉ˜ λ°œμ „ – μ˜ˆμ»¨λŒ€οΌŒ μ •λ‹Ήλ“€μ˜ 당내민주화와 μ •λ‹Ήμ²΄μ œμ˜ 민주화와 μ œλ„ν™” - 에 λ―ΈμΉ˜λŠ” 긍정적 νš¨κ³Όκ°€ μ˜λ¬Έμ‹œ λœλ‹€λŠ” μ μ—μ„œ λ”μš± μ‹¬κ°ν•˜λ‹€. 이 λ…Όλ¬Έμ˜ 이둠적, 정책적 ν•¨μ˜λŠ” μ•žμœΌλ‘œ 지방선거와 쀑앙(μ •λ‹Ή)μ •μΉ˜ 간에 λ‚˜νƒ€λ‚˜λŠ” μ •μΉ˜μ  μ˜μ‘΄κ΄€κ³„(dependency) 및 μ£Όλ³€ν™” (marginalization)-νŒŒνŽΈν™” (fragmentation) 가섀을 심측 μ—°κ΅¬ν•˜μ—¬ κ·Έ κ²½ν–₯κ³Ό μΆ”μ„Έ, λΆ€μž‘μš©κ³Ό μœ„ν—˜λ„ μ—¬λΆ€λ₯Ό κ³Όν•™μ μœΌλ‘œ 확인해 λ‚΄λŠ” μž‘μ—…κ³Ό μ•„μšΈλŸ¬οΌŒ 쀑앙-μ§€λ°©μ •μΉ˜κ°„μ˜ μ„ μˆœν™˜μ οΌŒ 호혜적, λ°œμ „μ  κ΄€κ³„νšŒλ³΅μ„ μœ„ν•œ λ°œμƒκ³Ό μ •μ±…μ „ν™˜μ˜ ν•„μš”μ„± 및 λ°”λžŒμ§ν•œ λ°©ν–₯에 λŒ€ν•œ 곡둠화λ₯Ό μ΄‰κ΅¬ν•˜μžλŠ” 데 μžˆλ‹€. This paper reports the main results of the May 31st 2006 Local Elections in South Korea, and is a part of the comprehensive research report (soon to be published in 2006 by the Institute of Korean Political Studies at Seoul National University) on the overall election process. The May 31st nationwide local elections were held under a series of institutional changes that became effective after the laws governing electoral conducts had gone through several amendments. The paper analyzes the effects of institutional shifts on overall election results, along with the impact of the party nomination system, candidate selection mechanism, voting turnouts, and the changing political setting of the election cycle. The main findings are as follows: First, the growing political distrust and voting alignment along party-focused choices (as opposed to person-or-policy focused voting) have been the most pervasive and predominant tendency in the May 31st local elections. This reflects that the malaise of South Korea’s ailing national party politics is being reproduced and spreading throughout local regions. Second, as shown by the opposition Grand National Party (GNP) sweeping over the nation with the except of Honam region, the resounding defeat of the governing URI-Party, and the fact that seats for Honam regions were divided by the URI and Democratic Party (rooted in the same region, but now split by North and South Honam), the local election outcomes appear to be further polarizing the regions by entrenched central Parties with regional-based backing. At the same time, the number of independent candidates elected has decreased continuously, showing the dwindling political space for both independents and minority-cum-alternative parties, such as the existing labor party or the citizen-oriented movement groups emerging in local political contexts. The tendency is even stronger in expression as local election is seen as a political instrument of national parties to test the mid-term political performance of the regime in power or increasingly taken as a proxy war for the next parliamentary contest or presidential election. This shows in tum a deepening trend that local elections are being more and more subjugated to central party politics, possibly undermining the aims and objectives of the local democracy to allow more autonomy and to upgrade the performance of local governing bodies. Nevertheless, the study found that the number of female elected local councilors has significantly increased, also with the overall educational level of select local elites rising. These results are reflections of several institutional changes, namely the combined effects of pλ”°ties’ quota systems, strengthened women quota regulations, and the adoption of new laws to pay salaries to local councilor posts
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