31 research outputs found

    ์Šค์บ”๋“ค์˜ ์ •์น˜ํ•™

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    Rozell, Mark J. and Clyde Wilcox, eds., The Clinton Scandal and the Future of American Government (Washinton, D.C.: Georgetown University Press 2000)ํด๋ฆฐํ„ด(Bill Clinton)์—๊ฒŒ ๋ญ”๊ฐ€ ํŠน๋ณ„ํ•œ ๊ฒƒ์ด ์žˆ๋‹ค??? 1998๋…„ ์ดˆ ๋ฅด์œˆ์Šคํ‚ค ์Šค์บ”๋“ค(Lewinsky Scandal) ๋˜๋Š” ๋ชจ๋‹ˆ์นด๊ฒŒ์ดํŠธ(Monicagate)๋กœ ๋ถˆ๋ฆฌ๋Š” ์Šค์บ”๋“ค์ด ํ„ฐ์กŒ์„ ๋•Œ, ํด๋ฆฐํ„ด์€ ์กฐ๋งŒ๊ฐ„ ๋Œ€ํ†ต๋ น ์ง์„ ๋ถˆ๋ช…์˜ˆ์Šค๋Ÿฝ๊ฒŒ ์‚ฌ์ž„ํ•˜๊ฒŒ ๋  ๊ฒƒ์ด ์ž๋ช…ํ•ด ๋ณด์˜€๊ณ  ๋ฏผ์ฃผ๋‹น์€ ๋‹น์— ๋ฏธ์น  ๋ถ€์ •์ ์ธ ์˜ํ–ฅ๋ ฅ์— ๋Œ€ํ•ด ๊ฑฑ์ •ํ–ˆ์œผ๋ฉฐ ๊ณตํ™”๋‹น์€ 1998๋…„ ๋ง์— ์น˜๋Ÿฌ์งˆ ์˜ํšŒ ์ค‘๊ฐ„์„ ๊ฑฐ์—์„œ์˜ ์Šน๋ฆฌ๋ฅผ ์žฅ๋‹ดํ–ˆ์—ˆ๋‹ค. ๊ทธ๋Ÿฌ๋‚˜ 1๋…„ ํ›„ ํด๋ฆฐํ„ด ๋Œ€ํ†ต๋ น์˜ ์ธ๊ธฐ๋Š” ์ „๋ณด๋‹ค ๋” ๋†’์•„์กŒ์œผ๋ฉฐ ๋ฏผ์ฃผ๋‹น์€ ์˜ํšŒ ์ค‘๊ฐ„์„ ๊ฑฐ์—์„œ ๋” ๋งŽ์€ ์˜ํšŒ ์˜์„์„ ํ™•๋ณดํ•˜์˜€๊ณ  ๊ณตํ™”๋‹น ํ•˜์›์˜์žฅ์€ ์‚ฌ์ž„ํ–ˆ์œผ๋ฉฐ ๊ณตํ™”๋‹น์— ๋Œ€ํ•œ ๊ตญ๋ฏผ์˜ ์ง€์ง€๋Š” ์ตœ๊ทผ๋“ค์–ด ๋ณผ ์ˆ˜ ์—†์—ˆ๋˜ ์ตœ์ €์น˜๋ฅผ ๊ธฐ๋กํ•˜๊ฒŒ ๋˜์—ˆ๋‹ค. ์ฆ‰, ํด๋ฆฐํ„ด ๋Œ€ํ†ต๋ น์€ ๊ตญ๋ฏผ์— ๋Œ€ํ•œ ๋งน์„ธ๋ฅผ ์ €๋ฒ„๋ฆฌ๊ณ  ์‹ฌ๊ฐํ•œ ๋ฒ”์ฃ„ (high crimes and misdemeanors)๋ฅผ ์ €์ง€๋ฅธ ์—ญ์‚ฌ์ƒ ๋‘ ๋ฒˆ์งธ๋กœ ํƒ„ํ•ต๋œ ๋Œ€ํ†ต๋ น์œผ๋กœ ๋‚จ์„ ๋ป”ํ•œ ์œ„๊ธฐ์—์„œ ๋ฒ—์–ด๋‚ฌ๋‹ค. ๋ฟ๋งŒ ์•„๋‹ˆ๋ผ ๋”์šฑ ํŠน์ดํ•œ ํ˜„์ƒ์€ ์„น์Šค ์Šค์บ”๋“ค๊ณผ ํƒ„ํ•ต๊ฒฐ์ •์˜ ์ค‘์š”ํ•œ ์‹œ์ ์—์„œ๋„ ๊ทธ์— ๋Œ€ํ•œ ์ง€์ง€์œจ์ด ํ•˜๋ฝํ•˜์ง€ ์•Š์•˜๋‹ค๋Š” ๊ฒƒ์ด๋‹ค. ์ด๋Š” ์—ญ๋Œ€ ๋Œ€ํ†ต๋ น์˜ ๊ฒฝ์šฐ์™€ ๋น„๊ตํ•ด ๋ณผ ๋•Œ ๋ณดํŽธ์ ์ธ ํ˜„์ƒ์€ ์•„๋‹ˆ๋ฉฐ ์˜คํžˆ๋ ค ๊ทนํžˆ ๋“œ๋ฌธ ์ผ์ด๋ผ ํ•˜๊ฒ ๋‹ค. 2์ฐจ ๋Œ€์ „์ดํ›„์˜ ๋‹ค๋ฅธ ๋Œ€ํ†ต๋ น๋“ค๊ณผ ๋น„๊ตํ•ด ๋ณผ ๋•Œ, ํด๋ฆฐํ„ด ๋Œ€ํ†ต๋ น์— ๋Œ€ํ•œ ํ‰๊ท  ์ง€์ง€์œจ์€ ํ˜„์ €ํ•˜๊ฒŒ ๋†’๊ฑฐ๋‚˜ ๋‚ฎ์ง€ ์•Š์•˜๋‹ค

    Party Activists and Legislative Recruitment in the 19th Korean Congressional Election

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    ํ•œ๊ตญ์—์„œ๋Š” ๋ฏผ์ฃผํ™” ์ดํ›„ ์ด์„ ๋งˆ๋‹ค ์™ธ๋ถ€ ์ง‘๋‹จ์ด ๋Œ€๊ฑฐ ์ •๋‹น ๊ณต์ฒœ์„ ๋ฐ›์•„ ์˜ํšŒ๋กœ ์ง„์ถœํ•˜๋Š” ํ˜„์ƒ์ด ๋‚˜ํƒ€๋‚ฌ๋‹ค. ์ •๋‹น๋“ค์ด ์ด์„ ๋งˆ๋‹ค ๋ถˆ๊ฑฐ์ง„ ๊ณต์ฒœํŒŒ๋™๊ณผ ์ •์น˜๊ฐœํ˜ ๋ฌธ์ œ๋ฅผ ๋‚ด๋ถ€์ ์œผ๋กœ ๊ฒฝ์Ÿ๋ ฅ ์žˆ๋Š” ์—˜๋ฆฌํŠธ๋ฅผ ์œก์„ฑํ•˜๋Š” ๋…ธ๋ ฅ๊ณผ ์ฒด๊ณ„๋ฅผ ๊ฐ–์ถ”๋Š” ๋Œ€์‹  ์ƒˆ๋กœ์šด ์„ธ๋ ฅ์˜ ๊ณต์ฒœ๊ณผ ์˜ํšŒ ์ž…์„ฑ์„ ํ†ตํ•˜์—ฌ ํ•ด๊ฒฐํ•˜๋ ค ํ•˜์˜€๊ธฐ ๋•Œ๋ฌธ์ด๋‹ค. ์ด๋Ÿฌํ•œ ์™ธ๋ถ€ ์ง‘๋‹จ์— ๋Œ€ํ•œ ๊ด€์‹ฌ์— ๋น„ํ•˜์—ฌ ์›๋‚ด ์ •๋‹น ์ •์น˜์˜ ํ™œ์„ฑํ™”์™€ ์ •์ฑ… ์‹คํ˜„์— ์žˆ์–ด์„œ ํ•ต์‹ฌ ์—ญํ• ์„ ํ•˜๋Š” ๋‚ด๋ถ€ ํ™œ๋™๊ฐ€์˜ ์˜ํšŒ์ถฉ์›์— ๋Œ€ํ•œ ํ•™๋ฌธ์  ๊ด€์‹ฌ์€ ์ €์กฐํ•˜์˜€๋‹ค. ๋ณธ ์—ฐ๊ตฌ์—์„œ๋Š” ์ •๋‹น ํ™œ๋™๊ฐ€์˜ ๋‹น์„ ๊ฒฝ์Ÿ๋ ฅ์— ์ฃผ๋ชฉํ•˜์—ฌ 19๋Œ€ ์ด์„ ์ž๋ฃŒ ๋ถ„์„์„ ํ†ตํ•˜์—ฌ ํ›„๋ณด์ž์˜ ๋‹ค์–‘ํ•œ ๊ฒฝ๋ ฅ์ด ๋‹น์„ ์— ๋ฏธ์น˜๋Š” ์˜ํ–ฅ๋ ฅ์— ๋Œ€ํ•˜์—ฌ ์‚ดํŽด๋ณด์•˜๋‹ค. ๋ถ„์„ ๊ฒฐ๊ณผ ํ›„๋ณด์ž์˜ ์ •๋‹น ๋‚ด๋ถ€ ํ™œ๋™ ๊ฒฝ๋ ฅ์€ ๋‹น์„ ์— ์ค‘์š”ํ•œ ์š”์ธ์ด ์•„๋‹Œ ๋ฐ˜๋ฉด ์˜์ •์ด๋‚˜ ๊ด€๋ฃŒ ๊ฒฝ๋ ฅ๋ฟ ์•„๋‹ˆ๋ผ ๋ช…๋ง๊ฐ€๋‚˜ ์‹œ๋ฏผ์šด๋™๊ฐ€ ๋“ฑ ํ›„๋ณด์ž์˜ ์™ธ๋ถ€ ํ™œ๋™ ๊ฒฝ๋ ฅ์€ ๋‹น์„ ์— ์œ ์˜๋ฏธํ•œ ์˜ํ–ฅ์„ ๋ฏธ์น˜๋Š” ์š”์ธ์ด์—ˆ๋‹ค. ์ด๋ฅผ ํ†ตํ•˜์—ฌ ์†Œ์† ์ •๋‹น์„ ์œ„ํ•˜์—ฌ ํ—Œ์‹ ํ•˜๊ณ  ํ™œ๋™ํ•ด ์˜จ ๋‹น์ง์ž๋‚˜ ์‹ค๋ฌด์ž๋“ค์˜ ๋‹น์„ ๊ฒฝ์Ÿ๋ ฅ์ด ์—†๋‹ค๋Š” ๊ฒƒ์ด ๊ฒ€์ฆ๋˜์—ˆ๋‹ค. ์˜ํšŒ๊ฐ€ ์ •์น˜ ์‹ ์ธ๋“ค์˜ ๊ต์œกํ˜„์žฅ์ด ์•„๋‹Œ ํšจ์œจ์ ์ด๊ณ  ์ƒ์‚ฐ์ ์ธ ์ž…๋ฒ•์˜ ์žฅ์ด ๋˜๋„๋ก ์ •๋‹น์€ ๋‹น๋‚ด ์ •์น˜ ์ „๋ฌธ๊ฐ€๋ฅผ ์œก์„ฑํ•˜๊ณ  ์˜ํšŒ๋กœ ์ถฉ์›ํ•˜๋Š” ์‹œ์Šคํ…œ ๊ตฌ์ถ•์— ๋…ธ๋ ฅ์„ ๊ธฐ์šธ์—ฌ์•ผ ํ•  ๊ฒƒ์ด๋‹ค.Investigating competitiveness of party activists in elective office, this paper examines the previous careers and professions of candidates and their impact on Congressional elections. Based on the analysis of data from the National Election Committee, it is found that candidates who were incumbent legislators, supercrats, non-political professionals, or civil activists were more likely to be elected in the 19th Congressional Election. However, having a political career as a party activist was not a significantly important variable for getting elected in this election. This result was similarly found for both major conservative and liberal party candidates. In order to win political office, major partys nomination is crucial for party activists who have higher levels of loyalty and political experience. Nonetheless, political amateurs who share the same personal characteristics and professional credentials are more likely to be encouraged to run for office as major party candidates. Thus, famous political amateurs as well as incumbents are more likely to hold elective office than party activists. These findings have important implications for understanding the role of party recruiting legislators, the substantive under-representation of party members, the policy making of party politics, and the practice of democracy in Korea

    Korean Policy Research Institutes and Political Education

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    ์ •๋‹น์ •์น˜๋ฅผ ์ •์ฑ…๋Œ€๊ฒฐ๋กœ ์œ ๋„ํ•˜๊ธฐ ์œ„ํ•œ ๋ฐฉํŽธ์œผ๋กœ ๋ฒ•์ œํ™”๋œ ํ•œ๊ตญ์˜ ์ •๋‹น์—ฐ๊ตฌ์†Œ๋Š” ๋…์ผ๊ณผ ๋ฏธ๊ตญ ์ •๋‹น์žฌ๋‹จ์˜ ๊ฐ ์žฅ์ ์ธ ๋ฏผ์ฃผ์‹œ๋ฏผ๊ต์œก ๊ธฐ๋Šฅ๊ณผ ์‹ฑํฌ ํƒฑํฌ์˜ ์—ญํ• ์„ ๋™์‹œ์— ์ถ”๊ตฌํ•ด ์™”๋‹ค. ๊ทธ๋™์•ˆ ์ •์ฑ… ์ „๋ฌธ๊ธฐ๊ด€์— ๋Œ€ํ•œ ํ‰๊ฐ€์— ๋น„ํ•ด ์ •์น˜๊ต์œก๊ธฐ๊ด€์œผ๋กœ์„œ์˜ ์ •๋‹น์—ฐ๊ตฌ์†Œ์— ๋Œ€ํ•œ ์—ฐ๊ตฌ์™€ ๊ด€์‹ฌ์€ ์ €์กฐํ•˜์˜€๋‹ค. ์ •๋‹น์—ฐ๊ตฌ์†Œ์˜ ์ •์น˜๊ต์œก ๊ธฐ๋Šฅ์€ ์ •์ฑ…๋Šฅ๋ ฅ๊ณผ ์†Œ์–‘์„ ๊ฐ–์ถ˜ ์ฐจ์„ธ๋Œ€ ๋ฆฌ๋”๋‚˜ ๋‹น์› ๋˜๋Š” ์ง€์ง€์ž๋ฅผ ์ง€์†์ ์ด๊ณ  ์ง์ ‘์ ์œผ๋กœ ์œก์„ฑํ•œ๋‹ค๋Š” ์ ์—์„œ ์ค‘์š”ํ•˜๋‹ค. ๊ฒŒ๋‹ค๊ฐ€ ์ผ๋ฐ˜์‹œ๋ฏผ์„ ๋Œ€์ƒ์œผ๋กœ ๋ฏผ์ฃผ์ฃผ์˜์˜ ์ด์ƒ๊ณผ ๊ฐ€์น˜๋ฅผ ์ „ํŒŒํ•˜๊ณ  ๊ต์œกํ•˜๋Š” ํ™œ๋™์€ ๊ฑด๊ฐ•ํ•œ ๋ฏผ์ฃผ์‹œ๋ฏผ ์–‘์„ฑ๊ณผ ์ •๋‹น์ •์น˜ ํ™˜๊ฒฝ์„ ์กฐ์„ฑํ•œ๋‹ค๋Š” ์ ์—์„œ ์ค‘์š”ํ•˜๋‹ค. ์ด ๊ธ€์—์„œ๋Š” ์ •๋‹น์—ฐ๊ตฌ์†Œ๋“ค์ด ์ •์น˜๊ต์œก ๊ธฐ๊ด€์œผ๋กœ์„œ์˜ ์—ญํ• ์„ ์–ด๋–ป๊ฒŒ ์ˆ˜ํ–‰ํ•ด ์™”๋Š”์ง€ ์ง€๋‚œ 5๋…„๊ฐ„ ๊ต์œกํ™œ๋™ ์ž๋ฃŒ ๋ถ„์„์„ ํ†ตํ•ด ์‚ดํŽด๋ณด์•˜๋‹ค. 1346๊ฑด์˜ ์ž๋ฃŒ๋ฅผ ์„ ๋ณ„ํ•˜์—ฌ ๋ถ„์„ํ•œ ๊ฒฐ๊ณผ, ์ •๋‹น์—ฐ๊ตฌ์†Œ์˜ ๊ต์œกํ™œ๋™์€ ๋ฏธํกํ•  ๋ฟ ์•„๋‹ˆ๋ผ ๋ชจ ์ •๋‹น์˜ ์ •์น˜์  ์ž…์ง€์™€ ๊ธฐ๋ณธ ์ •์ฑ…์— ์œ ๋ฆฌํ•œ ์—ฌ๋ก ์„ ํ˜•์„ฑํ•˜๊ณ  ์ง€์ง€๋ฅผ ํ™•๋ณดํ•˜๋Š” ํ™œ๋™์ด ๋Œ€๋ถ€๋ถ„์ž„์„ ์•Œ ์ˆ˜ ์žˆ์—ˆ๋‹ค. ๋˜ํ•œ ์ •๋‹น๋ณ„ ์ฐจ์ด๋ฅผ ๋ณด๋ฉด ์—ฌ๋‹น ์ •์ฑ…์—ฐ๊ตฌ์†Œ๋“ค์€ ํ˜„์•ˆ๊ณผ ๊ด€๋ จ๋œ ์ฃผ์ œ๋กœ ๊ต์œกํ™œ๋™์„ ํ™œ๋ฐœํžˆ ํ•œ ๋ฐ˜๋ฉด ์ง„๋ณด์„ฑํ–ฅ์˜ ์•ผ๋‹น ์ •์ฑ…์—ฐ๊ตฌ์†Œ๋“ค์€ ๋‹น ์ •์ฑ…์ด๋‚˜ ๋…ธ์„ ๊ณผ ๊ด€๋ จ๋œ ํ™œ๋™์„ ๋” ํ™œ๋ฐœํ•˜๊ฒŒ ํ•œ ๊ฒƒ์œผ๋กœ ๋‚˜ํƒ€๋‚ฌ๋‹ค. ์ „๋ฐ˜์ ์œผ๋กœ ์ •๋‹น์—ฐ๊ตฌ์†Œ๋Š” ์ •์น˜์ ์œผ๋กœ ์ค‘๋ฆฝ์ ์ธ ๋ฏผ์ฃผ์‹œ๋ฏผ ๊ต์œก๊ธฐ๊ด€๋ณด๋‹ค๋Š” ๋ชจ ์ •๋‹น์˜ ํ•˜๋ถ€๊ธฐ๊ด€์œผ๋กœ์„œ์˜ ํ™œ๋™์— ๋” ์ถฉ์‹คํ•œ ๊ฒƒ์„ ์•Œ ์ˆ˜ ์žˆ์—ˆ๋‹ค. What kinds of roles do the policy research institutes of the political parties in Korea play? The policy research institutes of the Korean political parties were established in 2004 to help build policy-oriented political parties. The functions of these institutes are to serve as think tanks to improve the policies and strategies of the parties and to provide necessary political information to the supporters as the institutes for democratic citizenship education. While previous studies focused heavily on the roles of the think tanks, little attention has been paid to the educational activities. Thus this study attempts to review and evaluate various educational activities including lectures, workshops, seminars and publications in terms of democratic citizenship education. This analysis found overall educational activities have been neglected. It also found that the subjects of education activities are very limited to current policy agendas and issues related to party politics. Especially the ruling parties institutes are more likely to deal with the political issues of strategic interests to the political parties. These findings show that the institutes exist as parts of the party organizations, not as independent democratic citizenship education bodies to develop Korean democracy by creating and disseminating comprehensive knowledge

    New Model of 'Family': Constitutional Possibility and Limit

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