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    1945λ…„ 이후 ν•œκ΅­μ˜ λ§₯λ½μ—μ„œ

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    ν•™μœ„λ…Όλ¬Έ(석사) -- μ„œμšΈλŒ€ν•™κ΅λŒ€ν•™μ› : μ‚¬νšŒκ³Όν•™λŒ€ν•™ μ •μΉ˜μ™Έκ΅ν•™λΆ€(μ •μΉ˜ν•™μ „κ³΅), 2023. 2. κΉ€μ˜λ―Ό.λŒ€ν•œλ―Όκ΅­μ˜ μ œν—Œν—Œλ²• 전문은 ν—Œλ²•μ œμ •μ„ λ‹΄λ‹Ήν•œ μ œν—Œκ΅­νšŒ μ˜μ›λ“€μ„ 자유둜히 μ„ κ±°λœ λŒ€ν‘œλ‘œ κ·œμ •ν•˜μ˜€λ‹€. λ˜ν•œ, μ œν—Œκ΅­νšŒμ˜ 바탕이 된 1948λ…„ 5μ›” 10일의 μ„ κ±°λ₯Ό λ‹Ήμ‹œ μ—¬λŸ¬ ν•œκ΅­μΈμ€ μžμœ μ„ κ±°λ‘œ μ΄ν•΄ν•˜μ˜€λ‹€. μ œν—Œν—Œλ²• μ „λ¬Έκ³Ό 5Β·10 μ„ κ±°λŠ” μžμœ μ„ κ±°λΌλŠ” κ°œλ…μ΄ μ€‘μš”ν•˜κ²Œ ν™œμš©λœ ν•œκ΅­ν˜„λŒ€μ‚¬μ˜ μˆ˜λ§Žμ€ 사둀 쀑 μΌλΆ€λ‘œ, 이 κ°œλ…μ΄ ꡭ가건섀 κ³Όμ • 및 κ΅­κ°€ 정체성과 κΈ΄λ°€ν•œ 관계에 μžˆμ—ˆμŒμ„ 보여쀀닀. μ΄λŸ¬ν•œ 관계λ₯Ό μ€‘μ‹¬μœΌλ‘œ μ œν—Œν—Œλ²• μ „λ¬Έκ³Ό κ΅­κ°€ 정체성을 규λͺ…ν•œ μ—°κ΅¬λŠ” μ—†μ—ˆμœΌλ©°, 이λ₯Ό μœ„ν•΄μ„œλŠ” κ°œλ…μ— λŒ€ν•œ 사전적·법리적 κ·œμ •μ„ λ„˜μ–΄ κ·Έ 역사적 μ˜λ―Έλ‘ μ„ μž¬κ΅¬μ„±ν•˜λŠ” κ°œλ…μ‚¬(conceptual history)적 탐ꡬ가 ν•„μš”ν•˜λ‹€. λ³Έκ³ λŠ” λ‹€μ–‘ν•œ μ‚¬λ£Œμ™€ κΈ°μ‘΄ 연ꡬ듀을 λ°”νƒ•μœΌλ‘œ ν•œκ΅­ν˜„λŒ€μ‚¬μ—μ„œ μžμœ μ„ κ±°κ°€ μ–΄λ–€ 의미λ₯Ό μ§€λ…”λŠ”μ§€λ₯Ό ν¬κ΄„μ μœΌλ‘œ λ…Όμ˜ν•˜λ©°, 특히 이 κ°œλ…μ΄ κ΅­κ°€ 정체성을 κ΅¬μ„±ν•˜λŠ” 데 쓰인 λ§₯락과 μ£Όμš” μš©λ‘€λ“€μ— μ£Όλͺ©ν•œλ‹€. λ…Όλ¬Έμ˜ μ „λ°˜λΆ€λŠ” μžμœ μ„ κ±°κ°€ 1945λ…„ μ–„νƒ€νšŒλ‹΄μ„ 톡해 μ „ν›„ 민주주의λ₯Ό μœ„ν•œ 기획으둜 λΆ€μƒν•˜μ—¬, 1948λ…„ ν•œκ΅­μ˜ ν—Œλ²•μ—κΉŒμ§€ 영ν–₯을 미치게 된 흐름을 μΆ”μ ν•œλ‹€. 2μ°¨ λŒ€μ „ 이후 민주주의의 핡심 κ°€μΉ˜λ‘œ λ– μ˜€λ₯Έ μžμœ μ„ κ±°λŠ” 신생ꡭ가듀이 ν—Œμ •μ˜ 정당성을 ν™•λ³΄ν•˜κΈ° μœ„ν•΄ 거쳐야 ν•  ν•„μˆ˜ 절차둜 μƒμƒλ˜κΈ°μ— 이λ₯΄λ €λ‹€. 식민지 μ‹œκΈ°μ˜ μ œν•œμ μΈ μ„ κ±°λ§Œμ„ κ²½ν—˜ν–ˆλ˜ ν•œκ΅­μΈλ“€μ—κ²Œ free election의 λ²ˆμ—­μ–΄λ‘œμ„œ 수용된 μžμœ μ„ κ±°λŠ” λ‚―μ„  κ°œλ…μ΄μ—ˆλ‹€. κ·ΈλŸ¬λ‚˜ 지ꡬ적 냉전 μ§ˆμ„œκ°€ λ„λž˜ν•˜λŠ” κ°€μš΄λ° 이 κ°œλ…μ˜ μ •μΉ˜μ  영ν–₯λ ₯은 점점 μ¦λŒ€ν–ˆμœΌλ©°, 졜초의 μžμœ μ„ κ±°λ‘œ 기획된 5Β·10 μ„ κ±° μ‹œμ μ—μ„œ μ ˆμ •μ— λ‹¬ν–ˆλ‹€. μžμœ μ„ κ±°μ— κΈ°μ΄ˆν•œ ꡭ가건섀을 지ν–₯ν•˜κ³  μ£Όλ„ν–ˆλ˜ λ‚¨ν•œμ˜ μ •μΉ˜κ°€λ“€μ€ 5Β·10 μ„ κ±°λ₯Ό μžμœ μ„ κ±°λ‘œ λΆ€κ°ν•˜κ³  이 κ°œλ…μœΌλ‘œ κ΅­κ°€ 정체성을 ν‘œν˜„ν•˜λŠ” 데 맀우 μ κ·Ήμ μ΄μ—ˆλ‹€. 이와 같은 λ§₯λ½μ—μ„œ 독해할 λ•Œ, μ œν—Œν—Œλ²• μ „λ¬Έ 속 자유둜히 μ„ κ±°λœμ€ μ „ν›„ μ„Έκ³„μ˜ 민주주의 상상에 μ‘°μ‘ν•˜λŠ” ν˜•νƒœλ‘œ κ΅­κ°€ 정체성을 μˆ˜λ¦½ν•˜λ €λŠ” μ˜λ„λ₯Ό 담은 ꡬ절이라고 ν•  수 μžˆλ‹€. ꡭ가건섀 μ‹œκΈ°μ— ν˜•μ„±λœ μžμœ μ„ κ±°μ™€ κ΅­κ°€ μ •μ²΄μ„±μ˜ κ΄€κ³„λŠ” 이후 ν•œκ΅­ν˜„λŒ€μ‚¬μ˜ 격동을 거치며 μ‘°κΈˆμ”© λ³€ν™”ν•œλ‹€. λ…Όλ¬Έμ˜ ν›„λ°˜λΆ€μ—μ„œλŠ” 뢀정선거와 그에 λŒ€ν•œ μ €ν•­, 쿠데타, ν—Œλ²• κ°œμ •, μœ μ—”Β·λ―Έκ΅­κ³Όμ˜ λŒ€μ™Έκ΄€κ³„, λ‚¨λΆν•œμ˜ 톡일 등을 μžμœ μ„ κ±°μ™€ κ΄€λ ¨ 있던 μ‚¬μ•ˆλ“€λ‘œμ„œ μ‘°λͺ…ν•œλ‹€. 1948λ…„ μ΄ν›„λ‘œλ„ 였랜 κΈ°κ°„ ν•œκ΅­μΈλ“€μ΄ κ·Έλ“€μ˜ μ •μΉ˜μ  μ†Œλ§μ„ ν”Όλ ₯ν•˜λŠ” 데 μžμœ μ„ κ±° κ°œλ…μ— 자주 μ˜μ‘΄ν–ˆλ˜ κΉŒλ‹­μ€ 이 κ°œλ…μ΄ λ‚΄ν¬ν•œ 이상과 ν•œκ΅­ μ •μΉ˜ν˜„μ‹€μ˜ 간극에 μžˆλ‹€. κΆŒμœ„μ£Όμ˜ μ •κΆŒ μΉ˜ν•˜μ—μ„œμ˜ μ„ κ±°κ°€ 가진 결함과 λ”λΆˆμ–΄, ν•œκ΅­ 전역에 걸친 μžμœ μ„ κ±°κ°€ λΆ„λ‹¨μœΌλ‘œ 인해 쒌절될 μˆ˜λ°–μ— μ—†λ˜ 점이 선거에 λŒ€ν•œ κ²½ν—˜κ³Ό κΈ°λŒ€ μ‚¬μ΄μ˜ 거리λ₯Ό 크게 ν–ˆλ‹€. 1980λ…„λŒ€ 이래의 λ―Όμ£Όν™”λŠ” κ·Έ 거리λ₯Ό μ’νžˆλŠ” 데 μƒλ‹Ήνžˆ κΈ°μ—¬ν–ˆμœΌλ‚˜, λ‚¨λΆν•œ λΆ„λ‹¨μ˜ 지속은 μ—¬μ „νžˆ 'ν•œκ΅­ μžμœ μ„ κ±°'λ₯Ό λ―Έμ™„μ˜ 기획으둜 남겨두고 μžˆλ‹€. 이 미완성은 μžμœ μ„ κ±° κ°œλ…κ³Ό 그에 μ–½νžŒ 역사가 μ–Έμ  κ°€ λ‹€μ‹œ μ •μΉ˜μ  관심과 μ—΄μ •μ˜ λŒ€μƒμ΄ 될 κ°€λŠ₯성을 ν•¨μΆ•ν•œλ‹€.The Constituent Assembly of the Republic of Korea stipulates themselves as "freely elected" representatives in the preamble of the 1948 founding constitution. Besides, numerous Korean people at that time understood the election on May 10, 1948 as a "free election. Including those in 1948, Koreans have used the concept of 'free election' at critical moments in their political history. To understand them properly, it is necessary to reconstruct the historical semantics of the concept. As a work of conceptual history, this thesis identifies and discusses the meaning of 'free election' in modern Korean history since 1945. It focuses on the context in which the national identity of the Republic of Korea was related to 'free election'. First half traces how free election emerged as a core value of (both global and Korean) postwar democracy, covering the period from Yalta Conference(1945) to the constitutional founding of the Republic of Korea(1948). Postwar settlements elevate free election to the essential ingredient of democratic legitimacy, especially for newly independent nations. Few Koreans had experienced elections under colonial rule until liberation, and colonial election laws were explicitly discriminatory to them. Thus 'free election' was unfamiliar to their ears at the outset. However, the power of this new concept became strengthened as the Cold War order dominates. And it reached its peak at the time of the May 10 election. South Korean right-wing politicians pursued and led state-building based on the free election hastily before the United States agreed on that scheme. Indeed, they were very active in highlighting May 10 election as the national milestone and expressing national identity with the concept of free election. What they did by declaring themselves "freely elected" in the preamble of the founding constitution? They intended to construct national identity of the new republic in the form that accords with the ideal of postwar democracy. That Relationship between free election and national identity formed during the state-building period changes gradually through the turbulences of modern Korean history. Second half of the thesis examines various issues and events: rigged elections and protests against them, coup d'Etat, constitutional amendments, foreign relations with the United Nations and the United States, and the reunification of two Koreas, etc. Why Koreans repeatedly relied on 'free election' to state their political will? The main reason lies in the gap between the ideal implied by this concept and the reality of Korean politics. It is undeniable that election frauds, which were prevalent under authoritarian regimes, and the solid Korean division system dissatisfied democratic citizens' expectations. But those problems aroused citizens' will to make the best use of political concepts, including free election. Democratization since the 1980s has contributed much to the realization of the ideal of free election as expected, but the continuation of the division into two Koreas leaves 'Korean free election' as an unfinished project. This unfinishedness connotes the possibility that free election and the historical semantics entangled with this concept could get popular interest and national passion again.제 1 μž₯ μ„œλ‘  1 제1절 문제 제기 1 제2절 선행연ꡬ κ²€ν†  4 제3절 방법둠 13 제4절 μ—°κ΅¬μ˜ λŒ€μƒκ³Ό ꡬ성 19 제 2 μž₯ μžμœ μ„ κ±°μ™€ μ „ν›„ 민주주의 상상 24 제1절 μžμœ μ„ κ±°μ˜ 기획: μ–„νƒ€νšŒλ‹΄ 24 제2절 μžμœ μ„ κ±°μ˜ μ‹€ν–‰: μ „ν›„ κ°κ΅­μ—μ„œμ˜ μžμœ μ„ κ±° 33 제3절 식민지 μ‘°μ„ μ˜ 선거와 μžμœ μ„ κ±°μ˜ 뢀상 42 제 3 μž₯ μžμœ μ„ κ±°μ™€ ν•œκ΅­ν—Œμ • 50 제1절 μžμœ μ„ κ±°μ— 이λ₯΄κΈ°κΉŒμ§€: 1945~48λ…„μ˜ μ •μΉ˜μ‚¬ 50 제2절 μžμœ μ„ κ±°λ‘œμ„œμ˜ 510 선거와 κ΅­κ°€ 정체성 64 제3절 혁λͺ…κ³Ό 쿠데타, 그리고 "자유둜히 μ„ κ±°λœ" 81 제 4 μž₯ μžμœ μ„ κ±°μ™€ 톡일 92 제1절 κ°œλ…μ˜ 뢄단: μžμœ μ„ κ±°μ™€ λŒ€ν•­κ°œλ… 94 제2절 μžμœ μ„ κ±°μ˜ 지속: ν†΅μΌλ‘ μœΌλ‘œμ„œμ˜ μžμœ μ„ κ±° 102 제3절 μžμœ μ„ κ±°μ˜ 퇴쑰: 1970λ…„λŒ€μ˜ 변동 117 제 5 μž₯ κ²°λ‘  138 μ°Έκ³ λ¬Έν—Œ 144 Abstract 158석

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