15 research outputs found

    The European Union as a Supranational Space for Political Interaction

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    이 글은 λ‹¨μΌμœ λŸ½λ²•(SEA) 톡과 이후 κ²½μ œλ‹¨μ²΄μ™€ 노동쑰합, ν™˜κ²½λ‹¨μ²΄μ˜ μ΄ˆκ΅­κ°€ μ°¨μ›μ—μ„œμ˜ μ΄μ΅μ •μΉ˜ν™œλ™μ„ λΆ„μ„ν•˜μ˜€λ‹€. μœ λŸ½ν†΅ν•©μ΄ μ‹¬ν™”λ˜λ©΄μ„œ 일ꡭ μ°¨μ›μ—μ„œ μ΄μ΅μ •μΉ˜λ₯Ό μ „κ°œν•˜λ˜ μ‚¬νšŒμ„Έλ ₯듀이 μ΄ˆκ΅­κ°€ μ°¨μ›μœΌλ‘œ ν™œλ™μ„ λ„“νžˆκ³ , 이것이 ν†΅ν•©μ˜ μ „κ°œλ°©ν–₯에 영ν–₯을 λ―ΈμΉœλ‹€. 이 μ—°κ΅¬μ—μ„œ μ‚¬μš©ν•˜κ³  μžˆλŠ”κ΅¬μ„±μ£Όμ˜μ  μ‹ κΈ°λŠ₯주의의 μš©μ–΄λ₯Ό μ‚¬μš©ν•˜μžλ©΄, κΈ°λŠ₯적 νŒŒκΈ‰οΌμ¦‰ μœ λŸ½μ—°ν•©(EU)의 μ •μ±…κΆŒν•œν™•λŒ€/μΆ•μ†ŒοΌμ΄ μ •μΉ˜μ  νŒŒκΈ‰οΌμ¦‰ μ΄ˆκ΅­κ°€ μ°¨μ›μ—μ„œμ˜ μ •μΉ˜ν™œλ™ ν™œμ„±ν™”οΌμ„ μ΄‰μ§„ν•˜κ³  μ—­μœΌλ‘œ μ •μΉ˜μ  νŒŒκΈ‰μ΄ κΈ°λŠ₯적 νŒŒκΈ‰μ— 영ν–₯을 λ―ΈμΉœλ‹€λŠ” 것이 이 κΈ€μ˜ 핡심 μ£Όμž₯이닀. μ‹€μ œλ‘œ, SEA에 μ˜ν•œ EU의 κΆŒν•œν™•λŒ€λŠ” μ΄ˆκ΅­κ°€ μ°¨μ›μ—μ„œ κ²½μ œλ‹¨μ²΄, λ…Έμ‘°, ν™˜κ²½λ‹¨μ²΄μ˜ 증가와 쑰직강화, μƒν˜Έκ°„μ˜ ν˜‘λ ₯κ°•ν™” λ“±μœΌλ‘œ μ΄μ–΄μ‘Œλ‹€. 이듀은 EU의 κΆŒν•œν™•λŒ€μ— μ˜ν•΄μ„œ λΉ„λ‘―ν•œ μ •μΉ˜μ  νŒŒκΈ‰μ΄λΌκ³  ν•  수 μžˆλ‹€. μ—­μœΌλ‘œ μ΄λŸ¬ν•œ μ •μΉ˜μ  νŒŒκΈ‰μ΄ EU의 κΆŒν•œμ΄ ν™•λŒ€, μΆ•μ†Œ, λ˜λŠ” μ •μ²΄λ˜λŠ” 데 영ν–₯을 미치고 μžˆλ‹€. κ²½μ œλ‹¨μ²΄λŠ” EU의 κ²½μŸμ •μ±… κΆŒν•œμ„ κ°•ν™”ν•˜λŠ”λ° κ³΅ν—Œν•˜μ˜€κ³ , κ·Έ κΆŒν•œμ„ μΆ•μ†Œν•˜λ €λŠ” μ‹œλ„μ— κ°•λ ₯히 λ°˜λ°œν•˜μ˜€λ‹€. λ…Έμ‘°λŠ” EU의 μ‚¬νšŒμ •μ±…μ΄ κ°•ν™”λ˜λŠ” 데 μ€‘μš”ν•œ 역할을 ν•˜μ˜€κ³  특히 마슀트리히트 μ‘°μ•½μ—μ„œ μ‚¬νšŒμ  λ™λ°˜μž 절차λ₯Ό μˆ˜λ¦½ν•˜λŠ” 데 κ²°μ •μ μœΌλ‘œ κΈ°μ—¬ν•˜μ˜€λ‹€. ν™˜κ²½μ •μ±…μ„ λ‘˜λŸ¬μ‹Ό ν™˜κ²½λ‹¨μ²΄μ™€ κ²½μ œλ‹¨μ²΄μ˜ μ •μΉ˜ν™œλ™μ€μ˜ κ·œλ²”μ„ μˆ˜λ¦½ν•˜κ³ , ν™˜κ²½μ •μ±…μ„ μœ λŸ½ν†΅ν•©μ˜ μ€‘μš” λͺ©ν‘œλ‘œ μˆ˜λ¦½ν•˜λŠ” 데 κ³΅ν—Œν•˜μ˜€λ‹€.The empirical analysis in this paper shows that political spillover and functional spillover may act upon each other. To begin with, the task expansion of the EU after the SEA increased the number of business interest associations and the direct membership of big companies in those associations. It also strengthened the organized labor at the European level and the efforts to promote asocial Europe, as well as increasing the number of environmental NGOs at the European level and their cooperative activities. The political spillover has, in turn, affected the expansion, reduction, or status quo, of the EU tasks. Business interest associations contributed to the consolidation of EU competition policy. European labor unions also played a crucial role in strengthening EU social policies, especially in building the Maastricht social policy procedures. Finally, the interaction between environmental NGOs and business associations affected the way the EU conceived its environmental policy goals and activities

    Wage Moderation and Flexicurity: A Critical Review of the Dutch Model

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    1980λ…„λŒ€ μ€‘λ°˜ 이후 κ²½μ œμ„±μž₯κ³Ό 일자리 창좜의 μ–‘ μΈ‘λ©΄μ—μ„œ κ΄„λͺ©ν• λ§Œν•œ κ²½μ œμ„±κ³Όλ₯Ό μ΄λ£©ν•œ μ μ—μ„œ λ„€λœλž€λ“œλŠ” μš°λ¦¬κ°€ ν•™μŠ΅ν• λ§Œν•œ λͺ¨λΈλ‘œ λ…Όμ˜λœλ‹€. 널리 회자되고 μžˆλŠ” λ„€λœλž€λ“œ λͺ¨λΈ λ‹΄λ‘ μ˜ μ˜λ―ΈλŠ” λ¬Όλ‘  κ·Έ 잠재적 μœ„ν—˜μ„±μ„ μΈμ‹ν•˜λ©΄μ„œ, 이 글은 μ΄λŸ¬ν•œ λ‹€μŒκ³Ό 같은 μ£Όμž₯을 μ œμ‹œν•œλ‹€. 첫째, λ„€λœλž€λ“œμ˜ μ‚¬νšŒμ  ν˜‘μ˜μ²΄μ œλŠ” μ ν•©ν•œ μ œλ„μ  μž₯μΉ˜μ™€ ν•©μ˜λ¬Έν™”λŠ” λ¬Όλ‘  노사간 및 μ •λΆ€ 사이에 μ μ ˆν•œ 힘의 κ· ν˜•μ„ ν•„μš”λ‘œ ν•œλ‹€. λ‘˜μ§Έ, λ„€λœλž€λ“œ λ‹΄λ‘ μ—μ„œ κΈ°λŠ₯적 ν—€κ²Œλͺ¨λ‹ˆλ₯Ό μ°¨μ§€ν•˜κ³  μžˆλŠ” μ‚¬νšŒν˜‘μ•½κ³Ό μž„κΈˆμ–΅μ œμ „λž΅μ€ λ„€λœλž€λ“œμ˜ 지속적인 경쟁λ ₯ κ°•ν™”λ₯Ό μœ„ν•΄ ν•„μš”ν•œ ν˜μ‹ μ—­λŸ‰μ„ κ°•ν™”ν•˜λŠ” 데 였히렀 μž₯μ• λ‘œ μž‘μš©ν•  수 μžˆλ‹€. μ…‹μ§Έ, λ„€λœλž€λ“œμ˜ μœ μ—°μ•ˆμ „μ„± μ „λž΅μ€ λ…Έλ™μ‹œμž₯의 μœ μ—°μ„±κ³Ό 고용 μ•ˆμ •μ„±μ„ λ™μ‹œμ— 도λͺ¨ν•˜λ©΄μ„œ 직μž₯μƒν™œκ³Ό 가사노동을 μ‘°ν™”ν•˜λŠ” μ μ—μ„œ λ°”λžŒμ§ν•œ 일자리 λ‚˜λˆ„κΈ° λ°©μ‹μœΌλ‘œ 긍정적 평가λ₯Ό 받을 λ§Œν•˜λ‹€. λ‹€λ§Œ νŒŒνŠΈνƒ€μž„ λ…Έλ™μžμ™€ 달리 μœ μ—°λ…Έλ™μž(flex-workers)λŠ” μ•ˆμ •μ„±μ˜ λ³΄ν˜Έμˆ˜μ€€μ΄ λ―Έν‘ν•œ μƒνƒœλ‹€.The excellent performance of the Dutch economy since the mid-1980s, in particular, its simultaneous achievement of economic growth and job creation, may serve as a model for us to learn. Bearing in mind the meanings and possible dangers in the extensively circulated discourse of the Dutch model, this paper raises the following points. First, the social concertation, one of the main pillars in the Dutch model, requires an appropriate balance of power between organized labor and business (and/or government) as well as proper cultural and institutional environments. Second, wage moderation, the key strategy the Netherlands adopts in every recession since the 1980s, exercises functional hegemony in the sense that it is believed to bring about a virtuous circle of profit rise, investment increase, and economic and employment growth. Yet, the strategy of wage moderation, by discouraging Dutch firms investment in R&D, may act as a barrier to building up the overall capacity for innovation which is vital in strengthening the international competitiveness of the Dutch economy. Finally, flexicurity is a new guiding concept jointly invented by the Dutch social partners, under which they make cooperative efforts to reinforce job security and increase labor market flexibility, aiming to reconcile at once, work with family life. The sharp increase in part-time work since the 1980s, which is the main source for employment growth in the Netherlands, becomes a fine way of work-sharing when accompanied by proper policies promoting flexicurity. Yet, the so-called flex-workers, less than 10% of the working people in the Netherlands, are not covered by suitable flexicurity policies
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