25 research outputs found
The Changes of North Koreas Perception of Inter-Korean Relations
μ΄ λ
Όλ¬Έμ νλμ κΈ° λλΆμ μ§μ μ¬νΈκ³Όμ μμ λΆνμ λ¨λΆκ΄κ³μ λν μΈμ λ³νλ₯Ό λλ¨μΈμ, ν΅μΌλ¬Έμ μΈμ, λλ¨ μ κ·Όλ°©λ², λλ¨ μ μ΄λ°©μ, μ μ±
μ μ°μ μμ λ±μΌλ‘ λλμ΄ μ΄ν΄λ³΄μλ€. λΆμ κ²°κ³Όλ λ€μκ³Ό κ°λ€. 첫째, λΆνμ λλ¨μΈμμ λμ μκΈ° μ μ± μΌλ³λμλ€κ° κΉλμ€,λ
Έλ¬΄ν μ λΆ μκΈ°μ μ μ±κ³Ό λν¬μ±μ΄ μ€μ²©λλ μ΄μ€μ±μ λͺ¨μ΅μ 보μμΌλ μ΄λͺ
λ° μ λΆμ λ€μ΄ λν¬μ±λ³΄λ€ μ μ±μ λͺ¨μ΅μ΄ κ°νλκ³ μλ€. λμ§Έ, ν΅μΌλ¬Έμ μΈμ λν κ³Όκ±° λ―Όμ£Όμμ£Όλ₯Ό λ΄μΈμ°λ©° λ¨νμ 'μ¬λ'λ₯Ό λΉννλ€κ° λΆλ―Έκ΄κ³κ° λμ‘°μ λΉ μ§κ³ λ¨λΆνν΄νλ ₯μ΄ μ¦λλμ 민쑱곡쑰λ₯Ό ν΅ν λ°λ―Έν¬μμ μ λνμΌλ μ΄μ νλ―Έλλ§Ήμ κ°ννκ³ μλ λ¨νμ 'λλ―Έμ’
μμ±'μ λΉννκ³ μλ€. μ
μ§Έ, λΆνμ λλ¨ μ κ·Όλ°©λ²μ λ¨λΆκ²½νκ³Ό λΆν΅λ¬Έμ λ μ°¨μμμ μ΄μΌκΈ°ν μ μλλ°, λ¨λΆκ²½νμ λν λΆνμ μΌκ΄λ μ
μ₯μ μ 무μν΅μ μ
κ°ν μ μ°ν μνΈμ£Όμμ΄κ³ λ°λΌμ μ΄μ μ λΆλ³΄λ€ μνΈμ£Όμλ₯Ό μ격νκ² μ μ©νκ³ μλ μ΄λͺ
λ° μ λΆμ λν΄μλ μ₯μ¬κΎΌμ λ
Όλ¦¬λΌκ³ λΉλνμλ€. λΆν΅λ¬Έμ μ λν΄μλ λμ μκΈ° λ¨νμ λ°°μ νλ€κ° κΉΒ·λ
Έ μ λΆμ λ€μ΄ λΆν΅ 6μνλ΄μ μ€μ¬μΌλ‘ λ¨νκ³Όλ μμΉμ μ
μ₯μ λ
ΌμνμμΌλ, μ΄λͺ
λ° μ λΆμ λ€μ΄ νλ°λ κΈ΄μ₯μ κ°νν¨μΌλ‘μ¨ λΆν΅λ¬Έμ μ κ΅μ νλ₯Ό μ΄μ§νμλ€. λ·μ§Έ, λΆνμ λλ¨ μ μ΄λ°©μλ μκΈ°λ§λ€ νμ°ν λ¬λΌμ§λ€. κ³Όκ±°μλ κΈ°μΈ΅λ―Όμ€ μ€μ¬μ νμΈ΅ν΅μ μ 맀μ§νλλ μ§λ μ λΆμλ μμΈ΅ν΅μ μ κ°ννλ κ°μ΄λ° νμΈ΅ν΅μ κ³Ό μμΈ΅ν΅μ μ μ°κ³νμμΌλ ν μ λΆμλ μμΈ΅ν΅μ μ λ¨μ νκ³ νμΈ΅ν΅μ μ λ€μ κ°ννλ λͺ¨μ΅μ 보μ΄κ³ μλ€. λ§μ§λ§μΌλ‘, λΆνμ λλ¨ μ°μ μμλ νμ μ μΉΒ·κ΅°μ¬μ μ΄μμ§λ§ νμ€μμλ λ¨νμ λμμ λ°λΌ κ²½μ μ μ€λ¦¬λ₯Ό μ°μ νκ±°λ λλ κ²½μ μ μ€λ¦¬λ₯Ό ν¬κΈ°νλλΌλ μ μΉμ ν¨κ³Όλ₯Ό κ·Ήλννλ μμμ λλ¬λ΄κ³ μλ€. λμ²΄λ‘ ν μ λΆ λ€μ΄ λΆνμ λ¨λΆκ΄κ³μ λν μΈμμ κ³Όκ±° λμ μκΈ° κ·Έκ²μΌλ‘ νκ·νλ €λ κ²½ν₯μ΄ λννλ€.
This article analyzes the changes of North Korea's perception of inter-Korean relations categorizing the perception about South Korea, the perception of unification problem, approaches to South Korea, contact with South Korea, and the order of priority in policies. First, the perception of South Korea was absolutely for enemy-ness in the Cold War
era, then implied a duality of enemy-ness and brethren-ness in Kim Daejoong and Roh Moohyun governments, and has emphasized enemy-ness more than brethren-ness in Lee
Myungbak government. Second, the perception of unification problem put forth national independence being critical toward South Korea's 'flunkeyism' in the past. As North Korea US relations was thrown into disorder and inter-Korean reconciliation and cooperation strengthened, North Korea instigated people to struggle with US through inter-Korean cooperation coordination. However, they have criticized South Korea's 'subordination to US' resulting from tightening South Korea-US alliance in these days. Third, approaches to South Korea are divided into inter-Korean economic cooperation and North Korea nuclear issue. Their consistent position about inter-Korean economic cooperation is flexible reciprocity based on necessity. Thus they denounce Lee Myungbak government' s stricter reciprocity than the past governments as 'logic of merchant'. Dealing with North Korea nuclear issue, they ruled out South Korea in the Cold War era, then discussed the fundamental stance with South Korea by Six-Party talks in Kim and Roh governments, and have promoted internationalizing the issue through strengthening tension on the Korean Peninsula in Lee government. Fourth, contact with South Korea has also changed as time goes by. They strived to construct the lower united front focusing on the base people in the past. Then, they made a link lower with upper united front strengthening the latter in Kim and Roh governments. They have returned to building the former breaking off the latter in Lee government. The Last, political and military issues have been ranked top in the order of priority in policies in principle, but economic gains have been put forward or political effects have been maximized though giving up economic gains according to inter-Korean situation changes. Overall, North Korea's perception of inter-Korean relations in Lee government is going back to their perception in the Cold War era.μ΄ λ
Όλ¬Έμ 2008λ
μ λΆμ¬μ(κ΅μ‘κ³ΌνκΈ°μ λΆ)μΌλ‘ νκ΅μ°κ΅¬μ¬λ¨ μ§μμ λ°μ μ°κ΅¬λμλ€(KRF-005-2008-J01501
Assessing Governance in the Inter-Korean Exchanges Focusing on the June 15 South-Korean Committee
λ³Έ λ
Όλ¬Έμ λͺ©μ μ κ±°λ²λμ€ κ°λ
μ μ
κ°νμ¬ λ¨λΆκ΅λ₯ μ€νλ₯Ό νμ
νλλ° μλ€. νΉν λ¨λΆκ΅λ₯μ μ£Όμ²΄μΈ 6 Β· 15λ¨μΈ‘μμνλ₯Ό μ¬λ‘λ‘ νμ¬ , λ¨λΆκ΅λ₯ λΆμΌμμμ κ°λ±κ³Ό νλ ₯μ λ€νΈμν¬λ₯Ό μ’
ν©μ μΌλ‘ λΆμνκ³ μ νμλ€. μ΄μ λ³Έ λ
Όλ¬Έμ λ¨λΆκ΅λ₯ κ±°λ²λμ€μ λ€μν νμμλ€μ κ΄κ³λ₯Ό μμ μ€μ οΌ λμνμ±οΌ μ μ±
κ²°μ οΌ μ μ±
μ§νοΌ μ μ±
νκ° λ± μΌλ ¨μ μ μ±
κ³Όμ μ μ€μ¬μΌλ‘ μ΄ν΄λ³΄μκ³ οΌ λν μμ¨μ±οΌ μ λ¬Έμ±οΌ μ°Έμ¬μ±οΌ λ€νΈμν¬οΌ λΆκΆνοΌ ν¨κ³Όμ ν¨μ¨μ± λ± νκ°μ§νλ₯Ό λ€μ΄ λΆμνμλ€ λΆμ κ²°κ³ΌοΌ λ¨κ³Ό λΆμ λ―Όκ°λνλ€μ 맀λ
6 Β· 15νμ¬μ 8 Β· 15νμ¬ λ μλμ§μμ λ²κ°μ λ°©λ¬Ένμ¬ κ³΅λνμ¬λ₯Ό κ°μ΅νκ³ μκ³ οΌ μ΄ κ³Όμ μμ κ΅λ΄μ μ°¨μοΌ λ¨λΆκ΄κ³ μ°¨μοΌ κ΅μ μ μ°¨μ λ±μμ λ€μν νμμλ€μ΄ μ€μΈ΅μ μΈ κ΄κ³λ₯Ό λ§Ίκ³ μμμ΄ λ°κ²¬λμλ€. μ§λ 10λ
μ μ§λμ€λ©΄μ λ¨λΆκ΅λ₯ λΆλ¬Έμ΄ μ μ±
κ³Όμ μ μ λ¨κ³μμ κ±°λ²λμ€ νμμ κ°ννμ¬ μ¨ κ²μ΄λ€. ν₯ν λ¨λΆκ΅λ₯ λΆμΌμμμ λ² Β· μ λμ κ°μ κ³Ό λλΆμ΄ 6 Β· 15λ¨μΈ‘μμ ν μ체μ μν΅λ₯λ ₯μ΄ κ³ μλλ€λ©΄ λ¨λΆκ΅λ₯ κ±°λ²λμ€λ λ³΄λ€ νμ±νλ κ² μ΄λ€.
This article applies the recent concept of governance to examine the inter-Korean exchange. In particularοΌ it explores conflicts and cooperation within the inter-Korean exchange by focusing on one of the major actors of the inter-Korean exchange, the June 15 South-Korean Committee. Specifically, it pays much attention to the interactions among various actors in governing the inter-Korean exchange. How governance works in the interaction has been considered by focusing on the process of decision-making which includes agenda-setting, alternative formulation, policy making, policy implementation, and policy evaluation. Governance is also assessed with respect to its autonomy, specialization, participation, networks, decentralizationοΌ effectiveness and efficiency. As a result this article shows that governance in the inter-Korean exchange has been strengthened throughout the entire process of decision-making during the last 10 years. Through the annual joint meetings held in June 15 and August 15, deputies of each society have developed close relationships establishing interconnected networks in which close connections have emerged at the domestic, interregional (between South and North Korea), and international levels. Such findings imply that the future governance in the inter-Korean exchange would develop further and be more specialized as the June 15 South Korean Committee improves its communication ability with its counter part and makes legal and institutional renovations are made in the future
Evaluation of the Research Tendency and Re-illumination on the Park Chung Hee Era
μ΄ λ
Όλ¬Έμ λ°μ ν¬ νκ°μ λν κΈ°μ‘΄ μ°κ΅¬κ²½ν₯μ κ²ν νκ³ λ°μ ν¬ μλμ μ°μ
νμ λ―Όμ£Όμ£Όμλ₯Ό μ±μ°°μ μΌλ‘ λΆμνμλ€. μ΄ λ
Όλ¬Έμμλ μ°μ
νλ₯Ό μν΄ κΆμμ£Όμλ λΆκ°νΌνλ€λ μ§οΌ μλλ©΄ λ―Όμ£Όμ£Όμμ μΈκΆμ μ΅μν μ°μ
νλ λ°μ μ΄ μλλΌλ μ§οΌ λ μλλ©΄ μ°μ
νμ 곡μ μΈμ νμ§λ§ λ
μ¬λ μλͺ»λμλ€λ μ§ νλ μλ°© λΆμ μ΄λ μ μΆ© λλ μλ ΄ μ λ°©μμ λ°μ΄λλ λ³΄λ€ λ
Όλ¦¬μ μ΄κ³ μ μΉνλ λ°μ ν¬μ λν νκ°λ₯Ό νμλ€. μ΄λ₯Ό μν΄ λΉμμ μλμν©μ μΈμ νλ©΄μλ μ°μ
νμ λ―Όμ£ΌνλΌλ λ κ°μΉλ₯Ό μΌλ§λ κ²°ν©νλ €λ μμ§μ λ
Έλ ₯μ΄ μμλκ°λ₯Ό λ°μ ν¬ νκ°μ κΈ°μ€μΌλ‘ μ μνμλ€. μ΄ μ κ·Όλ°©λ²μ νΉμ§μ κ²½μ κ°λ°μ λΉμ© μ μ¬μνκ² μ²λ¦¬νμ§λ λ§μ§λ§ κ·Έ κ²°κ³Ό μ λν΄μλ 무μνμ§ μλλ€λ μ μ΄λ€. κ·Έλ¦¬κ³ λ―Όμ£Όνμ λ¬Έμ μ μμ΄μλ κ·Έ μ¬νμ μ ν λ§μ 보λ κ²μ΄ μλλΌ λ°μ ν¬μ μ¬κ³ μ²΄κ³ μμμ μ΄ λ¬Έμ κ° νμμ μΌλ‘ μ΄λ νλμ§λ μ΄ν΄λ΄μΌλ‘μ¨ μ°μ
νμ λ―Όμ£Όνμ κ²°ν©μμ§λ₯Ό μΆμ νλ€λ μ μ΄λ€. 4. 19νλͺ
μ ν΅ν΄ νμν λ―Όμ£Όνμ μ μ λ¦°νκ³ λ―Όμ£Ό μΈκΆμ νμν λ°μ ν¬μ νμλ κ²°μ½ μ§μμ§ μλ μνμ§ μλ μλ€. νμ§λ§ λ°μ ν¬κ° λμ€μ λ₯λμ νμλ₯Ό λμ΄λ΄ μ°μ
νμ λμ§νμ¬ κ΅λ―Όκ²½μ λ₯Ό μ립νλ€λ μ μ λΆμ ν μ μλ€. λ°λΌμ μ¬λ©΄μ μ°¬μ±νμ§λ§ λ§κ°μ λ°λνλ€ λ λ―Ένλν¬ (Adam Michnik) μ μ
μ₯μ΄ λ°μ μΉ κ°λ°μ£Όμμμκ²λ μ μ©λμ΄μΌ ν κ²μ΄λ€.
This study reviewed the existing research tendency on evaluation of Park Chung Hee and analyzed the industrialization and democracy during his era. In the research, more logical evaluation on Park Chung Hee was conducted beyond the mutual denial and compromise or convergence' saying that authoritarianism was inevitable for industrialization, the industrialization devoid of democracy and human rights was not development at all, or he has been credited with the industrialization but criticized for the dictatorship. For that purpose, this research, as the evaluation standard, suggested will and endeavor to combine the two values of industrialization and democracy in the circumstances. This approach does not neglect of the cost of the economic development but also does not disregard of the result. Besides, with regard to democratization, not only the consequential choice but also the intrinsic arrangement in his thought process was underlined in the course of tracking his willingness to combine the industrialization and democracy. The Parks violation of the democratic constitution ensued by the April 19 Revolution and oppression of democracy and human rights could not and must not be forgotten. However, nobody can deny the fact that he took the successful initiative in industrialization, attracted the publics active participation in economic development and established the solid national economy. Therefore, the Agree to Pardon but Disagree to Oblivion," the position of Adam Michnik, needs to be applied in the case of despotic developmentalist
λΆνμ λΉΒ·κ΅°Β·μ μν λΆλ΄ 체μ μ κ΄ν μ°κ΅¬ : 1990λ λλ₯Ό μ€μ¬μΌλ‘
νμλ
Όλ¬Έ(λ°μ¬)--μμΈλνκ΅ λνμ :μ μΉνκ³Ό,2001.Docto
The Change of Power Elites in the Kim Jong-Il Era
This article analyzes the change of North Korea power elites in the Kim
Jong-Il era who take up their positions at the Workers Party of Korea, the
Supreme Peoples Assembly, the Cabinet, the National Defense Commission,
the Korean Peoples Army, and the factory. The time span is from early in
1990s to 2007. The features of this change in the last 10 years are as follows.
From 2.5 generation to the third one; local changes more than central
changes; the changes in economic experts more than in political or military
bureaucrats. Larger generational shift will be proceeded in relation of the
supreme power succession. The first revolutionary generation who have
propped up Kim Jong-Il would step down, the second revolutionary
generation (the Korean War, post-war restoration generation) who would act
as guardian for a successor would fill in the vacancy in the name of respect
for revolution seniors, and new generation (under forties) would emerge as
core elites in charge of policy implementing and practical affairs