13 research outputs found
Early Voting and Turnout: An Analysis of the 20th National Assembly Election Survey
μ¬μ ν¬νμ λλ ν¬νμ λ°λ₯΄λ μκ°μ ·곡κ°μ λΉμ©μ μ€μμΌλ‘μ¨ μ κΆμμ ν¬ν νΈμλ₯Ό κ°μ νμ¬ ν¬νμ¨μ μ κ³ μν€κ³ μ νλ λͺ©μ μΌλ‘ λμ
λ μ λμ΄λ€. κ·Έλ¬λ μΌκ²¬ λΉμ°ν΄ 보μ΄λ μμκ³Όλ λ¬λ¦¬ μ¬μ ν¬νμ λκ° μ€μ§μ μΈ ν¬νμ¨ μ κ³ λ₯Ό μ΄λμ΄λλκ°μ λν΄μλ μλ°λ νκ°κ° μκ°λ € μλ€. μ΄ κΈμ μ΄μ κ°μ μ¬μ ν¬νμ λμ ν¬νμ¨ μ κ³ ν¨κ³Όλ₯Ό μ 20λ κ΅νμμμ κ±° μ κΆμ μ‘°μ¬μλ£λ₯Ό ν΅νμ¬ κ²μ¦νκ³ μλ€. μ°λ¦¬λ λ¨Όμ μ§ν©μλ£μλ§ μμ‘΄νλ λΆμμΌλ‘λ μ¬μ ν¬νμ λμ ν¨κ³Όκ° μλ‘μ΄ ν¬νμμ μΆ©μμ΄λΌκΈ°λ³΄λ€λ κΈ°μ‘΄ ν¬νμμ λΆμ°μ΄λΌλ κ²½μκ°μ€μ ν¨κ³Όμ μΌλ‘ κ°λ €λ΄μ§ λͺ»νλ€λ νκ³κ° μλ€λ κ²μ λ°νκ³ , μ 20λ κ΅νμμμ κ±° μ κΆμ μ‘°μ¬μλ£λ₯Ό νμ©ν λ―Έμμ λΆμμ μννμλ€. μ°λ¦¬μ λΆμκ²°κ³Όλ μ¬μ ν¬νμμ μΈκ΅¬ν΅κ³νμ Β·μ¬νκ²½μ μ Β·μ μΉμ μμ±μ΄ κΈ°κΆμ보λ€λ λΉμΌν¬νμμ μμ±μ ν¨μ¬ κ°κΉλ€λ κ²μ 보μ¬μ€λ€. λν λΆμμ νμ©λ λ€νλ‘μ§λͺ¨νμ μμΈ‘κ°μ νμ©ν λΆμμ μ΄λ€ μ¬μ ν¬νμλ€μ λλΆλΆμ΄ μ¬μ ν¬νκ° μμλλΌλ©΄ λΉμΌν¬νλ₯Ό νμΌλ¦¬λΌκ³ μΆμ νκ² νλ€. μ΄λ¬ν κ²°κ³Όλ κ²°κ΅ μ¬μ ν¬νκ° ν¬νμ¨μ μ κ³ νλ μν¨κ³Όλ μ§κ·Ήν μ νμ μ΄λΌλ κ²μ μμ¬νλ€. κ·Έλ¬λ μ΄μ κ°μ κ²°λ‘ μ μμ€μ μΌλ‘ μ¬μ ν¬νμ μν μ νμ΄ μΆ©λΆνμ§ λͺ»ν μ 보μ κΈ°μΈνλ κ²μΌ μ μλ€λ λΉνκ³Ό μ°λ €λ₯Ό μλΉλΆλΆ μνμν€λ ν¨μλ₯Ό μμΈλ¬ κ°μ§λ€. κ·Έκ²μ μ¬μ ν¬νμ μν μ νμ κ²°κ³Όκ° μ¬μ ν¬νμ λκ° νμ©λμ§ μμμ κ²½μ°μ κ²°κ³Όμ ν¬κ² λ€λ₯΄μ§ μμ κ²μ μλ―ΈνκΈ° λλ¬Έμ΄λ€.Early voting was introduced to raise the turnout rate by reducing the costs and, thereby, improving convenience of voting. Contrary to the seemingly natural expectation, however, there have been some mixed results on the actual effect of this reform measure on turnout. In this paper, we investigate the effect of early voting on turnout based on the survey data, collected immediately after the 20th National Assembly Election in Korea. We first show that an analysis based solely on aggregate data is structurally limited because it does not allow us to discern the competing hypothesis such that the effect of early voting is not to recruit new voters but to distribute the voters who already decide to vote. Our microscopic analysis based on the survey data suggests that the early voters are much closer to the regular voters who cast their ballots on the official election day than non-voters in terms of demographic, socio-economic, and political characteristics. Moreover, our prediction based on the multinomial logit analysis suggest that most early voters would have voted on the election day if early election had not been allowed. In sum, it suggests that the effect of early voting in creasing turnout is limited. However, the result also relieves some concerns of early voting such that the outcome of early voting might be an ill-informed choice because it implies that the outcome would not be so much different from the one under the situation where early voting is not allowed
λ―Όμ£Όνμ κ΅°λΆμ λν : 1974βΌ1992 ν¬λ₯΄ν¬κ°μ μ¬λ‘λ₯Ό μ€μ¬μΌλ‘
νμλ
Όλ¬Έ(μμ¬)--μμΈε€§εΈζ ‘ 倧εΈι’ :ζΏζ²»εΈη§,1997.Maste
Short-Term Fluctuation of the Ideological Perceptions: Panel Data Analysis on the 18th Korean Presidential Election
μ κΆμμ ν¬ννμλ₯Ό ν©λ¦¬μ μΌλ‘ μ€λͺ
νκ³ μ νλ μ΄λ‘ λ€μ μΌλ°μ μΈ μ κΆμλ€μ΄ λ€μν μ μ±
μμ λ€μ λν ν보λ€μ μ
μ₯μ κΌΌκΌΌν μ΄νΌκ³ λΉκ΅νλ κ²μ΄ μ΄λ €μΈ λΏ μλλΌ λΉν¨μ¨μ μ΄κΈ°μ μ΄λ
(ideology)μ μ 보λΉμ©μ μ κ°νλ λκ΅¬λ‘ νμ©νμ¬, μ΄λ
μ μΌλ‘ κ°κΉκ±°λ, λ°©ν₯μ μΌλ‘ μΌμΉνλ ν보λ₯Ό μ ννλ μ΄λ
ν¬νκ° μμ°μ€λ¬μ΄ λμμ κ·λ²μ μΌλ‘ λ°λμ§ν νμμΌλ‘ μ΄ν΄νλ€. κ·Έλ¬λ μ΄μ²λΌ μ΄λ
ν¬νλ₯Ό κΈμ μ μΌλ‘ λ°λΌλ³΄κΈ° μν΄μλ μ κΆμλ€μ΄ λ³ΈμΈκ³Ό, κ²½μνλ μ λΉ νΉμ ν보μ μ΄λ
μ±ν₯, μ¦ μ΄λ
μ μ°¨μμμμ μμΉλ₯Ό λΉκ΅μ μ ννκ² κ·Έλ¦¬κ³ μμ μ μΌλ‘ μΈμνλ κ²μ μ 결쑰건μΌλ‘ νλ€. μ΄ κΈμμ μ°λ¦¬λ 2012λ
18λ λμ μ μ ννμ¬ μ½ 5κ°μμ κΈ°κ°μ λκ³ μ€μΒ·μμ§λ
ν¨λλ°μ΄ν°λ₯Ό νμ©νμ¬ μ κΆμκ° νκ°νλ λ³ΈμΈκ³Ό λ ν보μ μ΄λ
μΈμμ λ³νμμκ³Ό κ·Έ μμΈμ λΆμνμλ€. κ·Έ κ²°κ³Όλ λ³ΈμΈκ³Ό λ ν보, μ΄λ κ² λͺ¨λ μΈ μ΄λ
μΈμμ΄ μ§§μ κΈ°κ° λμ μλΉν μ λμ λ¨κΈ°λ³λμ±μ 보μμ λΏ μλλΌ, κ·Έ λ³νμ λ°©ν₯ λν μ κΆμκ° μ μμ μΌλ‘ λ ν° νΈκ°μ λλΌλ ν보μ λν΄μλ κ·Έ ν보μμ μ΄λ
μ 거리λ₯Ό μλμ μΌλ‘ λ κ°κΉκ², λ°λμ ν보μ λν΄μλ μ΄λ
μ μΌλ‘ λ λ©λ¦¬ λ¨μ΄μ Έ μλ κ²μΌλ‘ μΈμνκ² λλ 체κ³μ μΈ κ²½ν₯μ±μ κ°μ§κ³ μμμ 보μ¬μ€λ€. μ΄λ μ΄λ
ν¬νλ₯Ό κΈμ μ μΌλ‘ ν΄μνλ μ΄λ‘ λ€μ΄ κΈ°λνλ ν©λ¦¬μ μΈ μ κΆμ보λ€λ, λ€λ₯Έ μ΄μ μ μν ν¬νμ νμ μ κΆμμ μ£Όκ΄μ μ΄λ
κ·Όμ μ±μΌλ‘ ν©λ¦¬ννλ μ κΆμ(rationalizing voter)μ νκ΅μΈ μ κΆμμ λͺ¨μ΅μ΄ λ κ°κΉλ€λ κ²μ μμ¬νλ κ²°κ³Όλ‘ λ³΄μΈλ€.
Theories of rational voting behavior have argued that ideological voting is empirically natural as well as normatively desirable, since it is difficult and even inefficient for ordinary voters to compare potential benefits and costs of individual policy alternatives offered by competing candidates and parties in elections. In that case, it would be wise to use ideology as an informational cue. In order for this positive view to be held, however, it is necessary for ordinary voters to be able to perceive the ideological positions of the candidates and their own, correctly and stably. This paper analyzes short-term fluctuations
of the ideological perceptions based on the panel survey data collected through the 5-month period surrounding the 18th Korean Presidential Election in 2012. The results show that the ideological self-identification as well as the voters perception of candidate ideological position show not only significant level of fluctuation in a relatively short time period but
also some systematic patterns of change. That is, voters tend to perceive the ideological distance as short for their favored candidate and as distant for the candidate that they dislike. We believe this result suggests that both of the projection and the persuasion mechanisms are working in the voters ideological perceptions
Mitomycin-Cμ μν λ°°μλ§λ§μμμνΌμΈν¬μ μ¦μμ΅μ κΈ°μ
νμλ
Όλ¬Έ(μμ¬)--μμΈλνκ΅ λνμ :μνκ³Ό μκ³Όνμ 곡,2000.Maste
A Concept and Practices of Semi-presidential Regimes
μ€λν΅λ Ήμ μ λν κ΅λ΄νκ³μ ν΄μΈνκ³μ μ΄ν΄μ κ°κ·Ήμ΄ ν¬λ€. μ΄ κΈμ μ§λ 30μ¬ λ
μ κΈ°κ° λμ μ΄λ£¨μ΄μ§ μ€λν΅λ Ήμ μ λν μ°κ΅¬μ μ±κ³Όλ₯Ό λΉνμ μΌλ‘ μκ°ν¨μΌλ‘μ¨ μ΄λ¬ν μ΄ν΄μ κ°κ·Ήμ λ©κΎΈκ³ μ νλ λΉνμ 리뷰μ μ±κ²©μ κ°μ§κ³ μλ€. μ€λν΅λ Ήμ λ λ€λ² λ₯΄μ μ μν΄ μ²μ μκ°λ μ΄ν, λμ μ ν΄μ²΄μ μν μμ νμ°μλ λΆκ΅¬νκ³ λ§μ κ°λ
μμ λ
Όμμ λΆλ¬μΌμΌμΌ°λ€. μ΄μ κ°μ νΌλμ μ΄λ©΄μλ βλν΅λ Ήμ μλΉν κΆλ ₯βμ΄λΌλ μκ±΄μ΄ κ°μ§λ λͺ¨νΈμ±μ΄ μ‘΄μ¬νλ€. μ΄μ μ΅κ·Όμλ μ΄λ₯Ό μ¨μ ν μ κ±°ν, β보νΈμ κ±°λ₯Ό ν΅ν΄ κ³ μ λ μκΈ°λ‘ μ μΆλ λν΅λ Ήμ΄ μνμ μ±
μμ μ§λ μμ λ° λ΄κ°κ³Ό 곡쑴νλ 체μ βλΌλ μμ§μ μν μ¬μ μκ° λ³΄νΈμ μΌλ‘ λ°μλ€μ¬μ§κ³ μλ€. μ΄λ¬ν μ μλ λ°©λ²λ‘ μ μΌλ‘ λ λμ λΏ μλλΌ, μ΄λ‘ μ μΌλ‘ λ³΄λ€ μ€μν ν¨μλ₯Ό κ°μ§κ³ μλ€. κ·Έκ²μ μ΄ μ μκ° μ£ΌμΈ-λλ¦¬μΈ κ΄κ³μ λν μ΄λ‘ μ κΈ°λ°μΌλ‘, μ€λν΅λ Ήμ κ° λν΅λ Ήμ , μνμ μ μ격ν ꡬλ³λλ μμ-μ±
μμ κ΄κ³λ₯Ό μ€κ³νκ³ μμμ 보μ¬μ£Όκ³ μκΈ° λλ¬Έμ΄λ€. μ΄λ¬ν μ μμ μνλ©΄, μ€λν΅λ Ήμ κ° λν΅λ Ήμ΄ μΈμ μμμ΄ λ΄μ μ λ΄λΉνλ μ΄μμ λΆμ μ΄μ λΆκΆν λν΅λ Ήμ λΌλ μ΄ν΄λ μ€λν΅λ Ήμ μ ν νμμ νμ΄ νν μ μλ λ§€μ° νΉμν μ±κ²©μ λ§μΉ μ€λν΅λ Ήμ μ 보νΈμ μ±κ²©μΈμ νΌλνκ² νλ κ²μΌλ‘μ, μ΄μ κ°μ νμν μ΄ν΄λ μ€λν΅λ Ήμ μ λ€μμ±μ νꡬν μ μλ μ°λ¦¬μ λ
Έλ ₯μ μ ν΄ν μνμ μκ³ μλ€.It appears that there exists a big gap in the understanding of semi-presidential regimes between domestic and international academic communities. This paper tries to bridge the gap by critically introducing the international scholarly efforts on semipresidential regimes for the past 30 years. The concept of semi-presidentialism, since first proposed by Duverger, has produced serious debate, despite its apparent numerical expansion after the cold war era. The conceptual confusion was due to the intrinsic ambiguity of the presidentβs considerable power. Recently, a new definition which eliminates the controversial element completely has been widely accepted in the academic community. This new definition, proposed by Elgie, has been assessed that it is not only more methodologically advanced but also rich in theoretical imports. Based on the theory of the principal-agent relationship, the new definition makes it clear that semi-presidential regimes are designed to provide different delegation-accountability relationship to citizens than those of presidential and parliamentary regimes. In light of this new definition, our understanding of semi-presidential regime such that it is a regime where president deals with foreign affairs and prime minister makes a decision on domestic issues confuses general characteristics of semi-presidentialism with very peculiar characteristics of some subtype of semi-presidentialism. This narrow understanding is dangerous because it might impede our effort to study the variety of semi-presidential regimes