Turkey’s Diyanet under AKP rule: from protector to imposer of state ideology?

This article focuses on the complex relations between Turkey’s Presidency of Religious Affairs (the Diyanet) and the AKP in the last decade. It claims that the Diyanet, under AKP rule, has been transformed into a pliable state apparatus geared towards implementing the political ideology of the ruling cadre. In exploring this recent transformation, it analyses the ways in which this institution’s role has become synchronized with the ruling party’s discourses and actions, by giving examples from recent discussions on gender, social media, political economy, and relations with other social groups

CHP within “New Turkey”: the formation of a government party?

The transformation of the CHP, its popularity rates and limitations will also tell us to what extent political parties are likely to change under authoritarian regimes. We can examine this change by focusing on three issues: a) How and in what direction the party has changed from top to bottom in terms of cadres; b) What the change in its cadres tell us about the main problems facing Turkey’s domestic politics, especially in the economic sphere; c) What these changes tell us about Turkey’s foreign policy and its position in the world

Turkey’s draft constitutional amendments: a critical perspective

Although Turkey has largely maintained the constitutional tradition inherited from the Ottomans, and has been ruled by the parliamentary system since its establishment, in 1923, the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi-AKP), which is one of the most controversial political structures in Turkish political history, has changed the accustomed system into a Turkish type of presidential one. Furthermore, this important decision was taken in a plebiscite held under state of emergency conditions, after the failed coup attempt and in an authoritarian political atmosphere that has been gradually increasing for more than half a decade. In this regard, this article explains two major points; the constitutional history of contemporary Turkey with its Ottoman background, and the AKP’s political journey that is a swing from hope to oppression. Yet, additionally, the article clarifies the minuteae of the amended constitution which are related to human rights and liberties. Lastly, it argues that the proposed constitution will neither reveal a new system, nor will it constitute a democratic socio-political environment and an advanced human rights constitution

The Repertoire of Extraterritorial Repression: Diasporas and Home States

This article scrutinises the extraterritorial repression strategies of contemporary non-democracies, as evidenced by the Turkish Justice and Development Party's efforts to purge the Gülen Movement globally after the 2016 coup attempt. Adopting "repertoire", as conceptualised by Charles Tilly, this article explores it in light of "extraterritorial repression," which includes the diverse skills and tactics mobilised to stifle dissent beyond national borders. This set of repressive measures is further directed at making claims on individuals and movements in the diaspora. By bringing attention to the repressive side of diaspora engagement, this article shows that diasporas are also shaped by repressive policies from their home countries

Islam and foreign policy: Turkey’s ambivalent religious soft power in the authoritarian turn

Although the pro-democracy agenda of Turkey’s Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) gained significant domestic and international credibility throughout the early 2000s, the party has, since approximately 2010, experienced a dramatic process of democratic decline. The AKP has intensively used Islamist policies at home and abroad to consolidate its base of support under the leadership of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Weaponised in foreign policy, Islam has become both an instrument and an objective of the repressive AKP, and Turkey has emerged as a front runner in a race among countries increasingly using religion as a foreign policy tool. This new role for Turkey has created a slew of disparate perceptions among foreign countries. While some are content with Turkey’s religiously fuelled policies and designate Turkey as an influential actor which can use Islam as a soft power tool, others refuse to define Turkey’s policies within the boundaries of soft power due to its extra-territorial authoritarian practices. This study defines Turkey’s Islamic soft power as ambivalent and scrutinises the reasons behind this ambiguity by exploring examples from other countries in South-eastern and Western Europe

Transformation of the Turkish Diyanet both at Home and Abroad: Three Stages

This articles focuses on the historical evaluations of Turkey’s Presidency of Religious Affairs (the Diyanet) since its foundation and tries to explain the importance of some of the substantial turning points of Turkey’s history on the operasonalisations of the Diyanet both at home and abroad. Therefore, it seeks answers of these very fundamental research questions; What is the significance of the Diyanet in terms of both state and religion relations, and politics in Turkey? What are the differences of the Diyanet’s impact and functions compare to its foundation period? Why and how does Turkey use the Diyanet as a foreign policy tool? How does the Diyanet’s influence differ in foreign countries’ contexts? What factors determine the Diyanet’s scopes in different foreign countries

Redefinition of state apparatuses: AKP’s formal-informal networks in the online realm

In Turkey, especially since 2010, the ruling Justice and Development Party has gradually assumed all power within the state. In parallel, it has introduced a hegemonic project widely known as “New Turkey,” redefining state apparatuses through its proprietary web of networks of formal and informal relations. Inclusion in, or exclusion from, these networks is at the sole discretion of leading political actors, and can be considered as a state apparatus in itself, even though it contains elements that are informal or unofficial. All these networks of official and unofficial apparatuses are spread around President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. Our research focuses on the Twitter interactions of 25 key elements of AKP’s web of networks between 2010 and 2016, using Social Network Analysis. In the Turkish context, the use of Twitter as a means of communication is particularly pertinent, as it stands out as a unique channel for democratic discourse. The findings of our research confirm that the Twitter interactions of the 25 official and unofficial state apparatuses, with very few exceptions, constitute a network well-connected to the core, mostly represented by Erdoğan

Diyanet as a Turkish foreign policy tool: evidence from the Netherlands and Bulgaria

How does Turkey's Presidency of Religious Affairs (Diyanet) act as an instrument of foreign policy? What are the factors that allow such an instrumentalization of Islam in Turkish foreign policy? In addressing these questions, this article uses semi-structured expert interviews from Bulgaria and the Netherlands. Although both countries host a sizeable Muslim minority, these populations differ in their characteristics and historical ties with Turkey. Comparing Diyanet's role in the Netherlands with its recent Turkish Muslim diaspora, and in Bulgaria with its centuries-old Muslim minority allows us to reveal variation in the practical engagement strategies that Diyanet adopts in different country contexts. Thus, the article advances two main claims; first, Diyanet serves as a primary foreign policy tool of Turkey in countries with a significant Turkish-Muslim minority. Secondly, this instrumentalization destabilizes secularization projects both at home and abroad

The Struggle for Contemporary Turkey’s Future: Tension between AK Party and the Hizmet Movement

Without doubt, tension between Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) and the Hizmet Movement is of vital importance for both Turkey and international society. This conflict is also important for Turkey’s future when considering the concept of democracy. In this context, this tension has been mentioned by both academic and associated political interests worldwide. Therefore the importance of the outcome of this issue is going to be one of the key factors deciding Turkey’s political and social future. To clearly understand and make predictions concerning Turkey’s future, it is important to understand not only the actors involved and their normative and ideological perspectives; the deeper problematic areas of the Turkish state should also be explored. This paper outlines almost ten years of Turkey’s social and political life under these two main opposing actors. This study will try to find a rational answer to the question of “what will be the outcome of this tension surrounding Turkish democracy for the political arena and civil society?” In this respect, the contemporary meaning of civil society, its importance for a healthy democracy and the relation among the state, the government which controls all state apparatus and the civil society organisations is explained. The final part provides further details about the AKP and Hizmet Movement and the subjects of their tension

The repertoire of extraterritorial repression: diasporas and home states

This article scrutinises the extraterritorial repression strategies of contemporary non-democracies, as evidenced by the Turkish Justice and Development Party’s efforts to purge the Gülen Movement globally after the 2016 coup attempt. Adopting “repertoire”, as conceptualised by Charles Tilly, this article explores it in light of “extraterritorial repression,” which includes the diverse skills and tactics mobilised to stifle dissent beyond national borders. This set of repressive measures is further directed at making claims on individuals and movements in the diaspora. By bringing attention to the repressive side of diaspora engagement, this article shows that diasporas are also shaped by repressive policies from their home countries