3 research outputs found
Editorial Board
- Author
- Publication venue
- 'Instituto Nacional de Investigacion y Tecnologia Agraria y Alimentaria (INIA)'
- Publication date
- 26/09/2017
- Field of study
Get PDFReconstituting Canada: The enfranchisement and disenfranchisement of ‘Indians,’ circa 1837–1900
- Author
- Allan Sherwin
- Arthur C Parker
- Augustine had inherited his chiefly title from his father
- Canada Department of Indian Affairs
- Canada Department of Indian Affairs
- Chief William Smith
- Chief William Smith to Knutsford June 1889, vol 802, CO 42, NAUK
- Colin Calloway
- Colin Grittner
- Copy of the Haldimand Proclamation of 25 October 1784 vol 1846/IT250, file R216-79-6-E, RG 10, LAC
- David Laird to Interior Minister received 1 April 1876, vol 6809, folio 470-2-3-1, RG 10, LAC
- Deborah Doxtator
- Derived from census figures in Department of Indian Affairs
- Douglas Leighton
- Doxtator argues that this was especially difficult since the Six Nations at Grand River and Mohawk at Tyendinaga had developed powerful corporate ‘reserve’ identities by the end of the nineteenth century.
- Edward Marion Chadwick
- Elections Canada
- Elizabeth Arthur
- Garner
- Garner
- Glanville did not name the specific avenue for legal redress but referred to an 1833 law that provided for appeals to the Judicial Committee.
- Hill
- Hill
- However the fee simple grant retained the legal ‘disability’ that the grantee had no ‘power to sell, lease or otherwise alienate the land’ without approval by the governor-in-council.
- In 1884 the Liberal government of Ontario had targeted this class of alleged Conservative voters by amending the provincial election law to prohibit all enfranchised Indian men who participated in ‘annuities, interests, moneys or rents of a tribe’ from registering for the franchise.
- In British Columbia the franchise law explicitly disenfranchised all Indians.
- In British North America imperial governors had already taken it upon themselves to transform an older system of military alliances with First Nations into a new system of reservations to govern Indian subjects.
- In the 1870s the ‘numbered’ treaties between the Canadian government and the Cree, Blackfoot, and other nations sought to extinguish ‘aboriginal’ title in return for protection on reserved lands based on the British practices of treaty-making that had evolved from the Royal Proclamation of 1763 to the Robinson treaties of the 1850s. On the history of the ‘numbered’ treaties and the context of coercion through administered hunger and the threat of violence, see e.g.
- John S Milloy
- JSD Thompson to Macdonald 13 May 1889, vol 157, C-1566, 63660–4, MG 26-A, LAC [emphasis in original].
- Lord Durham
- Miller traces this shift to the appointment of Clifford Sifton as superintendent-general of Indian affairs in 1896. ‘Sifton’s dismal opinion of the Indians’ potential ’ he argues, ‘reinforced a sense of disillusionment about Canada’s Indian policy that was growing throughout the bureaucracy.’
- Muller
- On Hayter Reed and the new policy of segregation
- On the constitutional history of the Confederacy Council compare
- On the general history of the Six Nations reserve at Grand River
- On the history of the Anishinaabe in the nineteenth century
- On the history of the Anishinaabe-British treaties
- On the history of the Confederacy Council and its constitution compare
- On the Treaty of Niagara
- On the ‘turbulent’ history of the property-based franchise in the province of Canada
- Order-in-Council no 1890-2102 13 November 1890, Privy Council Office, Series A-1-a, RG 2, LAC. This ‘report’ referred to a letter by Chief Justice Macauley to Sir George Arthur, 22 August 1838
- Over the past few decades legal histories of Indigenous peoples subject to the laws of Canada have overwhelmingly and understandably focused on the subject of Aboriginal title.
- Private property was the imperial paradigm for the assimilation of non-Europeans. In 1837 the Aborigines Select Committee of the House of Commons in London published a report on the future of imperial rule over ‘Aborigines,’ which referred to all non-European subjects in settler colonies from Canada to the Cape Colony. Among other things, it recommended imposing private property as both the primary means and end of assimilation.
- Quoted in Montgomery ‘Six Nations Indians,’ supra note 4 at 16
- Reed’s radical re-description of treaties was similar to – though did not use the exact language of – the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council finding ‘that the tenure of the Indians was a personal and usufructuary right dependent upon the good will of the Sovereign.’
- Remarkably there is only one academic history of the Grand General Indian Council.
- Sakayenkwaraton then speaker of the Six Nations council, is standing with a wampum belt in his hand: ‘Chiefs of the Six Nations at Brantford, Canada, explaining their wampum belts to Horatio Hale’, 14 September 1871, Six Nations Legacy Consortium Collection, Six Nations Public Library Collection
- Schmalz
- Schmalz
- Schmalz
- Schmalz
- Schmalz
- Sidney L Harring
- Tables 1–3 are constructed by correlating historical election data and Indian census data. See Canada Department of Indian Affairs
- The Governor General in council had the discretion to extend the provisions at some later date to any ‘civilized’ band in the western territories.
- The Royal Proclamation is reproduced in
- There was one apparent exception to the Haudenosaunee rejection of enfranchisement. The Haudenosaunee ‘Chiefs and Warriors at Caughnawage’ (of the Kahnawá:ke reserve bordering Montreal) asked if they could take up an older offer to be enfranchised as a community on their own terms so that they could ‘figurer dans la societé etant admis comme touts sujets Britannique à participer aux mêmes privileges et benifices.’ Chiefs of Caughnawage to David Laird, 24 March 1876, vol 6809, folio 470-2-3-1, RG 10, LAC. But Reid suggests that these petitioners were most likely a small minority similar in status and grievance to the ‘dehorners’ at the Six Nations.
- There were other notable concentrations of Indian voters in several other districts in Quebec and the maritime provinces.
- These changes were introduced the next year in the amended Indian Act. Indian Act SC 1895, c 35.
- This figure includes current draft legislation.
- Weaver
- Weaver
- Weaver
- William Henry Fishcarrier
- ‘Report of Committee no. 4 on Indian Department,’ 1 February 1840, reprinted in Province of Canada, Legislative Assembly
- Publication venue
- 'University of Toronto Press Inc. (UTPress)'
- Publication date
- Field of study
No full textVoicing, De-voicing and Self-Silencing: Charles Kingsley's Stuttering Christian Manliness
- Author
- Anderson
- Bourdieu
- Buck-Morss
- Catherine Gallagher makes this observation in her magisterial and paradigmatic reading of the novel in The Industrial Reformation of English Fiction 1832–1876 (Chicago and London: Chicago University Press 1985) 89–110. She attributes Kingsley’s divided narratorial voice to two contrary philosophical states: his Coleridgean romanticism and the empirical determinism of his social reform agenda
- Cited in Hall 7. (See note to 3)
- Cited in Stammering and Stuttering: Their Nature and Treatment 242
- Cited in Steven Connor Dumbstruck A Cultural History of Ventriloquism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), 333
- Cited in Susan Chitty’s The Beast And The Monk A Life of Charles Kingsley (New York Mason/Charter, 1976), 196
- Diary accounts suggest a sustained profound and vigorous engagement with his parish, particularly at times of sickness. John Martineau, who spent a year with Kingsley as a 13-year-old, remembers how the sight of suffering affected him: ‘The cholera of 1849 had just swept through England and though it had not reached Eversley, a severe kind of low fever did. [It was] a season of much sickness and many deaths. His senses were acute to an almost painful degree. The sight of suffering, the foul scent of a sick room – well-used as he was to both – would haunt him for hours’, Letters, vol.1, 241
- Dr James Hunt’s 1854 treatise on stammering was re-published as Stammering and Stuttering
- Dumbstruck A Cultural History of Ventriloquism 189
- For a discussion of the later prefaces to Alton Locke and their place in self-consciously re-shaping history see David Amigoni, Victorian Biography Intellectuals and the Ordering of Discourse (New York: St Martin’s Press, 1993), 75–78. Thanks to Adelene Buckland, co-organiser of the Print Culture and the Novel conference in Jan. 2007 for a very stimulating post-conference email discussion on Kingsley’s endless editing. Kingsley’s unhappiness about committing words to a page for public consumption is revealed in a letter to J. Conington in December, 1848: ‘I am so dissatisfied with Yeast. It was finished or rather cut short to please Fraser.’ Letters, vol.1, 191
- For discussions of Kingsley and Ludlow’s short-lived journal Politics For The People in the aftermath of the Kennington Common rally see Ian Haywood, The Revolution in Popular Literature (Cambridge: CUP, 2004), 218–242 and Donald. E. Hall ‘On the making And unmaking of Monsters: Christian Socialism, muscular Christianity, and the metaphorization of class conflict’ in Donald. E. Hall ed. Muscular Christianity Embodying The Victorian Age (Cambridge: CUP, 1994). On physical force Chartism see David Jones, Chartism And The Chartists (London: Allen Lane, 1975), chapter 5
- Fraser’s Magazine July 1859
- Gallagher notes that Alton Locke is also excessively conscious of its own ‘bookness’ (109)
- He was writing Yeast ‘at night when the day’s work was over and the house was still.’ Cited in The Apostle of the Flesh, 167
- In a letter to John Bullar January 23, 1857, Kingsley wrote :‘At twenty, I found out tobacco. The spectres vanished
- Interestingly Mary Barton does the opposite for Jem in Gaskell’s novel and testifies on his behalf in court. See chapter 32
- Kingsley
- Kingsley
- Kingsley
- Kingsley
- Kingsley
- Letter to J M Ludlow December 30, 1855, in vol.1 of Charles Kingsley His Letters & Memories of His Life Edited By His Wife (London: King, 1877), 459. For an account of the reception and publication of Westward Ho!, see John Sutherland, Victorian Novelists & Publishers (London: Athlone Press, 1976)
- LML i. 173
- Louise Lee
- Martin
- See Thomas Hughes ‘A Prefatory Memoir’ in Charles Kingsley, Alton Locke, Tailor And Poet An Autobiography (London: Macmillan, 1876), 8, and J. M. I. Klaver, The Apostle of the Flesh A Critical Life of Charles Kingsley (Leiden: Brill 2006), chapter six
- See ‘On the making and unmaking of monsters’ 45–65 (See note to 3)
- The Beast And The Monk 160. See also The Apostle of the Flesh, 133 and 442
- The Beast And The Monk 196
- The Beast And The Monk 196. (See note to 22)
- The Dust of Combat (See note to 33) 213
- The Industrial Reformation of English Fiction 109
- The Irrationale of Speech’ 11 & 6. See also The Apostle of The Flesh, 441–442 for a detailed discussion of Kingsley’s stammering life
- The novel was first published in Fraser’s Magazine between July and December 1848 and in volume form in 1851
- The reciprocity of ideas between Hunt and Kingsley is particularly noticeable in the early 1860s. In Hunt’s introduction to Stammering he cites Locke’s Essay Concerning Human Understanding (1689), arguing the necessity of the correct use of language and the ‘mistakes and confusion that are spread in the world by an ill-use of words’ (11). This is a central motif in Alton Locke, with its marked questioning of the efficacy of words as bearers of meaning. But there are scientific as well as literary cross-overs between the two men: while Hunt is more restrained in tone on the subject of how to cure a stutter, he patently shares a number of Kingsley’s views on exercise, self-determination and keeping up bodily health
- This is an image used in Yeast A Problem (1851): ‘Let it be enough that my puppets have retreated in good order’
- Yeast begins with Lancelot breaking his leg by falling off a horse head-first into a ditch
- Yeast 188
- ‘On the making and unmaking of monsters’ 46. Hall’s phrase employs the neologism ‘figur(e-)ative’
- ‘Prefatory Memoir’ 44
- ‘Prefatory Memoir’ 44. This thorn-in-the-side image is used again in Alton Locke when Alton is moved to tears at Dulwich Picture Gallery at seeing Guido’s depiction of St Sebastien, the wounded saint with a quivering spear in his side. While some critics have argued that Alton’s tears are the epiphany of a working class man’s first encounter with middle class culture, I want to suggest another reading. What Alton sees is a pictorial representation of his own wounded self: ‘The helplessness of the bound arms, the arrow quivering in the shrinking side, … and parted lips which seemed to ask … ‘O, Lord, how long?’ (53). In terms of the novel, this is not just a physical wound, but a vocal one
- Publication venue
- 'Edinburgh University Press'
- Publication date
- Field of study
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