Mayhem Multiplied: Mass Shooters & Assault Weapons

Mass shootings have taken place consistently throughout American history, in every region of the country. Over the last 30 years, however, assault weapons and firearms equipped with large- capacity ammunition magazines—which hold more than 10 rounds—have proliferated, allowing assailants to become much more destructive. As the following analysis shows, the results have been deadly for Americans.As part of our non-partisan mission to prevent violence at the Citizens Crime Commission of New York City, we track mass shootings. Our Mass Shooting Incidents in America database catalogs shootings in which four or more victims were killed in a public place unrelated to another crime since 1984. Between June 1984 and June 2016, there were 72 such incidents—46 (64%) of which involved a perpetrator armed with an assault weapon or firearms equipped with a large-capacity magazine.Assault weapons and large-capacity ammunition magazines were outlawed for 10 years between 1994 and 2004 as part of the federal Assault Weapons Ban, providing us with periods for comparison in order to determine the ban's impact on mass shooting casualties. The results are startling.Between June 1984 and June 2016, shooters who used assault weapons and large-capacity magazines killed or injured 301% more people than those who did not. There were nearly 1,000 victims in those incidents—186% more killed than when a non-assault weapon or regular- capacity magazine was used, and 523% more injured.Perhaps the most important finding is that the federal ban clearly reduced mass shooting casualties: The number of people killed or injured in mass shootings involving assault weapons and large-capacity ammunition magazines during the decade of the ban was nearly half what it was in the decade before (145 v. 241); and it was a third of the number of casualties since (541 from September 2004 through June 2016)

Style, Substance, and the Right to Keep and Bear Assault Weapons

Assault weapons have long been a subject of intense controversy. The debate has intensified in recent years after a series of mass shootings in which perpetrators used AR-15 rifles or other military-style weapons, such as the shootings in Newtown, Aurora, San Bernardino, Orlando, Las Vegas, Sutherland Springs, and Parkland While the federal assault weapon ban has expired, some state legislatures have enacted bans. Critics complain that these laws irrationally condemn certain types of firearms simply because they have a military appearance. Gun control advocates argue that these laws are not just about superficial appearances and that the banned weapons are more dangerous than other firearms. This Article contends that even if the controversy over assault weapons ultimately stems from concerns about the look or style of certain firearms, those are not irrelevant considerations. If the military style of assault weapons increases their appeal to disturbed individuals committing the most horrific crimes, and if the intimidating look of these weapons increases the public\u27s perception of the risk of mass shootings, those are legitimate concerns that legislators and judges may take into account

Firearm Use in Violent Crime in the U.S. and Alaska, 1985-2012

This fact sheet presents national and statewide statistics from the FBI's Uniform Crime Reports program on the use of firearms in the commission of three violent crimes — homicide (murder and nonnegligent homicide), robbery, and aggravated assault — in the U.S. and Alaska from 1985 to 2012. Data on the use of knives and other cutting instruments, strong-arm tactics, and other weapons in the commission of these crimes are also presented.Bureau of Justice Statistics, U.S. Department of JusticeUniform Crime Reports / Crime rates / Murder and nonnegligent manslaughter (homicide) / Robbery / Aggravated assault / Summary / Note

Heller and “Assault Weapons”

A discussion of how Heller has been applied to “assault weapon” bans, with special attention given to the Fourth Circuit’s en banc decision in Kolbe v. Hogan, which held that the popular AR-15 rifle and other “assault weapons” are not protected arms under the Second Amendment. Moderated by Professor E. Gregory Wallace

Agent-Based Simulation of Mass Shootings: Determining How to Limit the Scale of a Tragedy

An agent-based simulation was created to examine key parameters in mass shootings. The goal of the simulation was to examine the potential effectiveness of Senator Dianne Feinstein\u27s (D-Calif.) assault weapons and high-capacity magazines bill. Based on the analysis, the proposed law would have a negligible effect on the number of people shot during mass shootings. The assault weapons portion of the proposed bill will have no effect on the number of people killed or wounded in a mass shooting. The assault weapons ban does not seek to decrease the rate of fire of any firearm. Of the parameters tested a weapon\u27s rate of fire has the greatest effect on the number of people wounded or killed by that weapon. However, a ban on high-capacity magazines will result in a small number of lives saved during a mass shooting. This paper demonstrates simulation\u27s ability to examine proposed policies and provide a framework for more meaningful discussions

Assault Weapons Revisited: Policy Options for Regulating Rifles, Shotguns, and Other Firearms 20 Years After the Passage of the Assault Weapons Ban

20 years after President Bill Clinton signed the federal assault weapons ban into law in September 1994 and a decade after Congress allowed that law to lapse -- the question of whether and how to regulate particularly lethal firearms is no longer the primary focus of the national gun debate. In the wake of the December 2012 massacre at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newtown, Connecticut, President Barack Obama, congressional leaders, and gun-violence prevention advocates alike made deterring dangerous people from accessing guns the top legislative priority with a proposal for comprehensive background checks for all gun sales. This shift in focus to prevent dangerous people from accessing guns is appropriate: A broad set of research suggests that such measures are effective in reducing gun violence. Additionally, there is overwhelming support in opinion polls for expanding background checks and similar measures aimed at restricting dangerous people from accessing guns. But the debate persists about whether and how to best regulate assault rifles and other types of firearms that may pose heightened risks to public safety. For more than 20 years, there has generally been only one policy solution offered in this debate: a ban on assault weapons.This report considers how gun laws have evolved to address different classes of firearms and looks more broadly at how federal and state laws treat rifles and shotguns differently than handguns and whether all of those distinctions continue to make sense. It also examines data on the changing nature of gun violence and the increasing use of long guns and assault rifles by criminals, with a focus on Pennsylvania as a case study

Concealed carry laws and assault weapons bans do not have a significant effect on the gun-related murder rate at the state level

In the wake of the Newtown massacre, 2013 saw a reinvigorated debate about the need for gun control legislation, most prominently featuring calls to renew the Federal Assault Weapons Ban and to enact concealed carry laws. Mark Gius looks at the effects of these two types of restrictions on the gun-related murder rate. He finds that the assault weapons ban had no significant effect on state-level murder rates and that states with restrictive concealed carry laws actually had higher murder rates than their counterparts with less restrictive law

The Costs and Consequences of Gun Control

In politicizing mass murders, gun control advocates, such as President Obama, insist that more laws against firearms can enhance public safety. Over and over again, there are calls for common sense gun controls, such as a system of universal background checks, a ban on high-capacity magazines, and a ban on assault weapons. And yet such proposals are not likely to stop a deranged person bent on murder