Passive and unaccusative in the jieyang dialect of chaozhou

A distinctive syntactic feature of the Chaozhou dialect group is the use of the same morpheme in the passive and in certain intransitive constructions. In the Jieyang variety the passive marker k'e G derived from the verb 'give' requires an agent, a requirement which we relate to the subcategorization of the lexical verb 'give'. We show that the same morpheme is used with unaccusative verbs in the form [k'e G i V], where i is an expletive. pronominal: it cannot encode an agent because the unaccusative predicates concerned lack an agent argument. Therefore what appears to be a passive marker with agent in fact constitutes overt coding of unaccusativity, of a kind unusual in Chinese dialects but paralleled in several Indo-European languages. The passive and unaccusative constructions are shown to share thematic and aspectual properties: the surface subject carries the role of theme or patient, and the predicate denotes a change of state, hence the requirement for a resultative verbal complement (RVC). The [k'e G i V-RVC] construction is shown to involve formation of an unaccusative complex predicate, with the RVC contributing a change of state component to the aspectuality of the predicate. © Springer 2005.postprin

A predication theory for English resultative and Cantonese resultative dou-constructions.

by Belinda Nga Yee Wong.Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1997.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 111-116).Acknowledgements --- p.ivChapter CHAPTER ONE: --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1Chapter CHAPTER TWO: --- THEORETICAL BACKGROUND --- p.5Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.5Chapter 2.2 --- θ-Theory and Arguments --- p.7Chapter 2.3 --- Argument Structure / Lexical Syntactic Representation --- p.10Chapter 2.4 --- Lexical Syntactic Representation --- p.10Chapter 2.5 --- Summary --- p.20Chapter CHAPTER THREE: --- ENGLISH RESULTATIVES --- p.21Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.21Chapter 3.2 --- Features of English Resultatives --- p.21Chapter 3.2.1 --- Categories for Resultative Phrase --- p.23Chapter 3.2.2 --- Resultative Phrase as Complement --- p.26Chapter 3.2.3 --- Transitive Resultatives --- p.29Chapter 3.2.4 --- Intransitive Resultatives --- p.36Chapter 3.2.5 --- Subject of Predicate Expression --- p.41Chapter 3.2.6 --- Syntactic Structure of Resultatives in the Literature --- p.41Chapter 3.2.7 --- Change-of-State Linking Rule --- p.45Chapter 3.3 --- Incompatibility of Verbs with Resultatives --- p.47Chapter 3.3.1 --- Classification of Verbs --- p.47Chapter 3.3.2 --- Incompatibility of Resultative Phrases with Stative Verbs --- p.49Chapter 3.3.3 --- Resultative Phrases as Delimiters --- p.50Chapter 3.3.4 --- Incompatibility of Resultative Phrases with Verbs of Inherently Directed Motion --- p.51Chapter CHAPTER FOUR : --- A PREDICATION THEORY FOR ENGLISH RESULTATIVES --- p.53Chapter 4.1 --- Introduction --- p.53Chapter 4.2 --- Bowers' Syntax of Predication --- p.57Chapter 4.3 --- An Extension of Bowers' Predication Theory to English Resultative Constructions --- p.60Chapter 4.3.1 --- Introduction of Double Predication Structure --- p.60Chapter 4.3.2 --- The Notion of Causativity --- p.61Chapter 4.3.3 --- More about Conflation and Resultative Verbs --- p.62Chapter 4.3.4 --- Weakness of Bowers' Structure --- p.65Chapter 4.3.5 --- A Modified Structure for Intransitive Resultatives with an Unergative --- p.65Chapter 4.3.6 --- A Suggested Structure for Transitive Resultatives --- p.67Chapter 4.3.7 --- A Suggested Structure for Intransitive Resultatives with an Ergative --- p.69Chapter 4.4 --- Concluding Remarks --- p.72Chapter CHAPTER FIVE: --- CANTONESE RESULTATIVE CONSXRUCTIONS --- p.73Chapter 5.1 --- Introduction --- p.73Chapter 5.2 --- Dou-Constructions --- p.76Chapter 5.2.1 --- The Syntactic Properties of Dou-constructions --- p.76Chapter 5.2.2 --- Null Elements in Cantonese --- p.82Chapter 5.2.3 --- The Status of V1 --- p.83Chapter 5.3 --- Directional Complements --- p.87Chapter 5.4 --- Summary --- p.89Chapter CHAPTER SIX: --- A PREDICATION THEORY FOR CANTONESE RESULTATIVES --- p.90Chapter 6.1 --- Introduction --- p.90Chapter 6.2 --- The Syntactic Derivations of Dou-Resultative Constructions with Intransitive --- p.90Chapter 6.3 --- The Syntactic Derivations of Dou-Resultative Constructions with Transitive --- p.93Chapter 6.3.1 --- Base Positions for NP2 and NP3 --- p.95Chapter 6.3.2 --- Redupiication and V' Constraint --- p.98Chapter 6.4 --- Passive Resultatives --- p.100Chapter 6.5 --- A Note on Resultative Dou-Constructions with a Causative --- p.105Chapter 6.6 --- A Remark on V-V Compounds --- p.107Chapter 6.7 --- Summary --- p.109REFERENCES --- p.11

INVESTIGATING THE SYNTAX OF POSTVERBAL MODALS IN HAKKA

This paper presents a syntactic account for the odd distribution of the postverbal modal element, tet, in Sixian Hakka, an SVO language in which a modal auxiliary precedes the main verb. Inspired by the cartographic approach (Cinque 1999, Rizzi 1997), I propose that the modal element tet patterns with regular modals in being syntactically higher than the VP, and the surface form is derived to satisfy the morphonological requirement of tet via either Move (of V-raising) or Merge (with the light verb zo ‘do’). Three types of tet sentences show the spectrum of modality across functional projections (Tsai 2010). Furthermore, the present analysis can explain the asymmetries of the three types of tet in the passivization and disposal construals as well as the interaction with certain adverbials. Finally, I compare tet with Cantonese dak (Cheng and Sybesma 2004), to achieve a broader cross-dialectal perspective. This analysis provides a better understanding of the mapping between syntax and semantics

Marked causative structures of Chinese verb-resultative construction

This paper aims to study the syntactic and semantic features of ‘marked VRC causative structures’, those special syntactic-semantic structures formed by verb-resultative constructions (VRCs) which violate both the Uniformity of Theta Assignment Hypothesis and the Thematic Hierarchy. Their syntactic and semantic features are defined as follows: 1) VRC has a causative relation within itself; 2) the argument in the object position is the causee and the only argument of the resultative complement; 3) the causer in the subject position is any conceptual component from the cause event other than the agent of the predicate verb. This paper then attempts to propose an extended account to expound how they are formed syntactically and semantically. On this account, a marked VRC causative structure is re-causativization of a VRC when the VRC is self-causative; it enables other conceptual components of the cause event than the agent to become the causer when a VRC is not self-causative. There are some constraints on what becomes the causer of a marked VRC causative structure

The syntax of telic predicates in Cantonese.

Wai Suk-kwan.Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 123-133).Abstracts in English and Chinese.Abstract --- p.iAbstract in Chinese --- p.iiiAcknowledgement --- p.ivList of Abbreviations --- p.viiChapter Chapter One: --- PreliminariesChapter 1.1 --- Introduction ´ؤ Aspect --- p.1Chapter 1.2 --- Telicity - a definition --- p.1Chapter 1.3 --- Event Classification --- p.4Chapter 1.4 --- Some Terminology --- p.7Chapter 1.5 --- Subevent Structure --- p.10Chapter 1.5.1 --- Grimshaw (1990) --- p.10Chapter 1.5.2 --- "Pustejovsky (1994, 1998)" --- p.12Chapter 1.6 --- Summary --- p.19Chapter 1.7 --- Organization of the Thesis --- p.19Chapter Chapter Two: --- Event Structure in SyntaxChapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.21Chapter 2.2 --- "Borer (1994, 1998)" --- p.21Chapter 2.3 --- "Ritter and Rosen (1998, 2000)" --- p.30Chapter 2.4 --- "Travis (1992, 1994, 2000a, 2000b)" --- p.34Chapter 2.5 --- Slabakova (2001) --- p.44Chapter 2.6 --- An evaluation --- p.47Chapter 2.7 --- Summary --- p.49Chapter Chapter Three: --- Telicity in CantoneseChapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.50Chapter 3.1.1 --- Cantonese: an overview --- p.50Chapter 3.1.2 --- Viewpoint aspect in Cantonese --- p.51Chapter 3.1.3 --- Situation types in Cantonese --- p.57Chapter 3.2 --- The position of the object relative to the duration phrase --- p.60Chapter 3.2.1 --- Atelic events: activities --- p.60Chapter 3.2.2 --- Telic events: achievements and accomplishments --- p.62Chapter 3.3 --- Towards an explanation --- p.64Chapter 3.3.1 --- ED and SCE interpretations --- p.65Chapter 3.3.2 --- Base position of the object --- p.67Chapter 3.3.3 --- The syntax-semantics mismatch --- p.70Chapter 3.4 --- An account --- p.73Chapter 3.4.1 --- The syntax of activities --- p.73Chapter 3.4.2 --- The syntax of accomplishments --- p.79Chapter 3.4.3 --- The syntax of achievements --- p.81Chapter 3.5 --- Summary --- p.86Chapter Chapter Four: --- Telicity in Cantonese - the D-pronounChapter 4.1 --- Introduction --- p.88Chapter 4.2 --- The pronoun keoi5 - a general description --- p.88Chapter 4.2.1 --- Keoi5 as a referential pronoun --- p.88Chapter 4.2.2 --- Keoi5 as an appositive pronoun --- p.90Chapter 4.2.3 --- Keoi5 as a measurative pronoun --- p.90Chapter 4.2.4 --- Keoi5 as a D-pronoun --- p.91Chapter 4.3 --- Properties of the D-pronoun --- p.93Chapter 4.3.1 --- General properties --- p.94Chapter 4.3.2 --- Non-assertedness / irrealis --- p.97Chapter 4.3.3 --- Boundedness --- p.98Chapter 4.3.4 --- Agentivity --- p.103Chapter 4.3.5 --- Properties of the object --- p.103Chapter 4.4 --- An account --- p.105Chapter 4.4.1 --- Cantonese keoi5 vs. Mandarin gei --- p.105Chapter 4.4.2 --- Licensing of the D-pronoun --- p.108Chapter 4.4.3 --- A final note: D-pronoun in delimitative aspect --- p.116Chapter 4.5 --- Summary --- p.118Chapter Chapter Five: --- ConclusionChapter 5.1 --- Summary of the study --- p.119Chapter 5.2 --- Suggestions for further studies --- p.121Bibliography --- p.12

Lexical Decomposition, Silent Categories, and the Localizer Phrase

Linguistic

KA…HOO CONSTRUCTIONS IN TAIWAN SOUTHERN MIN

Taiwan Southern Min ka and hoo have been broadly investigated in the literature (e.g., Cheng et al. 1999, Lien 2002, Tsao 2005). However, very little of the previous research has focused on the interaction between these two functional words. This paper thus explores structures with a ka…hoo configuration. Through the examination of corpus data, this paper finds that ka…hoo constructions are mainly separated into two constructions: ditransitive and resultative constructions. Based on the constructional approach, the ditransitive construction is found to include four construction patterns which can help differentiate verb types. In addition, the event structure account of the resultative ka…hoo construction is explored. It is posited that the event telicity may change when the causative word hoo overtly occurs. The distinction between a ditransitive and a resultative ka…hoo construction significantly reduces the confusion in data where the ka…hoo configuration is found