Middle East and the great powers

"November 8, 1976.""#2127"--handwritten on coverIncludes bibliographical reference

Woodrow Wilson: A Failure of Leadership - A Broken Middle East

President Woodrow Wilson failed to engage and lead the Great Powers at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919, thereby missing the opportunity to influence and shape the eventual outcomes of their far-reaching policy decisions. Had he been more effective there, many of the dysfunctions in the Middle East may well not exist today

Le Proche-Orient dans le système mondial

The Middle East is generally perceived in the West, often in simplistic terms, as an area which is crucial to the West's economic and strategic interests. Given the complexity of this new « Eastern question », the Western perspective is important because it counts for a lot in determining the future of this region and in defining the position the Middle East holds in the world System. This dominant perspective has nonetheless the defect of putting on the back burner the interests of the peoples of the Middle East and the possibilities of a different scenario which corresponds less with the designs of the great powers today and more with the needs of the Middle Eastern countries.The present and future position of the Middle East in the world System should thus be examined from an internal viewpoint as much as from an external one. Seen from the outside, the region appears essentially as a pawn. From this perspective, the deterioration of the Palestinian question permits the great powers (particularly the United States) to keep the Arab governments divided and thus blocks the way to regional cooperation susceptible to putting the energy resources of the oil producers at the service of self-directed development in the region. Seen from the inside, however, this cooperation, beyond its economic advantages, has interesting social and cultural possibilities, It is thus a question of knowing which conditions would develop these possibilities. The question is important because, to a certain extent, the outcome of the Middle Eastern situation will serve as an example to the Third World as a whole to the extent that the Middle East develops a strategy for a new kind of development defined and carried out free from dependency on external powers. The precondition to this effort is clearly the formulation and effective maintenance of a common Arab position which is coherent and realistic on the Palestinian question ; inevitably this is central to all Middle Eastern policy

Tourism in Iran: central control and indigeneity

Iran has a long history and tradition of accommodating visitors and travellers, as well as having a great number of minority cultures within its borders, reflecting its geographic location astride some of the major trade routes in the Middle East. Despite what could be seen as great advantages in the competition for tourism, the present powers in Iran have downplayed the potential role of indigenous groups in tourism, just as they have downplayed the role that tourism could have in the country at large. By exercising strong central and religious power and control and putting forward a strong national image, Iran has discouraged tourism development among its indigenous communities. The dominant centralised power structure of the country is in sharp contrast to that in Nepal for example, described in the previous section, and community-based tourism is hard to find, although there are examples of good individual operations, normally at a small scale. Iran symbolises, perhaps, the dominance of a central uniform control over tourism compared to a local indigenous variety of developments

French Foreign Policy in the Middle East During President Macron\u27s First Term: Researcher\u27s Curriculum Vitae

The Middle East plays a crucial role in France\u27s foreign policy. This study examines France\u27s approach to the Middle East during Macron\u27s first term, aiming to uncover the motives behind Macron\u27s policies in the region and how he manages them. The significance of the study lies in analyzing how France maintains a traditional balancing approach with international actors. The hypothesis is that France adopts a traditional and reassuring approach and has close relations with Middle Eastern powers, assisting the president in achieving his goals. The study raises several questions, including how Macron\u27s foreign policy in the Middle East has evolved since he took office, the nature of France\u27s reassurance policy, the scope of France\u27s economic cooperation with the Middle East, and the president\u27s efforts in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. To achieve these objectives, the study employs an analytical and descriptive methodology. The study concludes that France often positions itself as a force for stability and conflict resolution, especially under President Macron, through active involvement in the region alongside a commercial presence. The results demonstrate that the key to understanding France\u27s Middle Eastern foreign policy is recognizing the region as a focal point for the foreign policies of great powers like France. Additionally, French trade finds markets in the Middle East, and the mutual relations indicate a shared understanding between France and the Middle East at various levels

Centurions and Chieftains : tank sales and British policy towards Israel in the aftermath of the Six Day War

Britain's attempt to distance itself from Israel as London sought to conciliate the Arab world in the aftermath of the Six-Day War has entered the historiography of Anglo-Israeli relations. A neglected aspect of the development of British policy towards Israel has been the intense debates among British decision-makers regarding the supply of tanks to Israel following the 1967 conflict. British reluctance to export the powerful Chieftain tank to Israel stemmed not only from an unwillingness to fuel an arms race in the Middle East, but also from a determination to protect ongoing and extensive British economic interests in the Arab world, especially oil supplies. In keeping with efforts to dissociate itself from Israel, Britain also sought to downplay, and even conceal from the Arab world, ongoing sales of the less sophisticated Centurion tank to Israel. In many ways, British policy towards Israel culminated in the decision during the 1973 Yom Kippur War to maintain an arms embargo to the region which, while not extending to all Arab countries, hit Israel especially hard as it desperately sought ammunition and spares for its Centurion tanks

The Straits of Malacca: Regional powers vis-a-vis littoral states in strategic and security issues and interests

This paper presents an overview of the strategic and security issues surrounding the Straits of Malacca. It begins by introducing the strategic nature of the Straits of Malacca and piracy threat in the busy sea lane. Subsequently this paper discusses the issues and interests of the emerging powers in the Straits of Malacca historically. This covers the Asia’s emerging powers such as India, Japan and China. Then, the position of the three littoral states of Malaysia, Indonesia and Singapore towards the issue of piracy in the Straits of Malacca is touched upon before analyzing the littoral states’ position on external powers’ involvement in the Straits of Malacca. This is paper also briefly discusses the individual littoral states’ interests in the vital sea lane