Bringing Nanda forward, or acting your age in The Awkward Age

Henry James’s 1899 novel, The Awkward Age posits the adolescent girl’s movement forward into the future as an acute problem for the fin-de-siècle. The novel’s titular pun equates the awkward, individual, in-between time of adolescence with the awkward, collective, in-between time of the fin-de-siècle, leading us both towards the turn-of-the-century ‘invention’ of the modern adolescent, and towards James’ exploration of the culturally constructed nature of age as an identity category. The conflation of individual ages with historical ones is significant; James’s novel appeared on the cusp of a new century, at a moment when adolescence was in the process of being consolidated as a modern identity category by medical authorities, educators, and psychologists. The novel’s deploying of technologies such as the telegraph and the photograph, that mediate presence, speed time up, slow it down, and freeze it, posits the adolescent girl as cognate with modernity; both of her time and ahead of it. In the novel, adolescence is an awkward, unnerving presence, and a significant absence: an identity in the process of being formulated, and an age category to come. In this article I explore the ways in which the rhetoric of modernity that resonates throughout the book relates to the awkward age of the adolescent. If we refocus our attention on age in The Awkward Age, we can begin to see the ways in which age itself becomes a creation of James’s, a staging of possible relations (sexual, conversational, economic, theatrical, performative, even utopian-collective) between older and younger interlocutors who swing between being ‘adults’ and ‘children,’ with the fin-de-siècle invention of the adolescent as a hinge for this process

Reproducing women in the awkward age

Elektronische Version der gedr. Ausg. 199

Occupational and leisure time physical activity in contrasting relation to ambulatory blood pressure

Background: While moderate and vigorous leisure time physical activities are well documented to decrease the risk for cardiovascular disease, several studies have demonstrated an increased risk for cardiovascular disease in workers with high occupational activity. Research on the underlying causes to the contrasting effects of occupational and leisure time physical activity on cardiovascular health is lacking. The aim of this study was to examine the relation of objective and self-report measures of occupational and leisure time physical activity with 24-h ambulatory systolic blood pressure (BP). Methods: Results for self-reported physical activity are based on observations in 182 workers (60% male, mean age 51 years), while valid objective physical activity data were available in 151 participants. The usual level of physical activity was assessed by 5 items from the Job Content Questionnaire (high physical effort, lifting heavy loads, rapid physical activity, awkward body positions and awkward positions of head or arms at work) and one item asking about the general level of physical activity during non-working time. On a regular working day, participants wore an ambulatory BP monitor and an accelerometer physical activity monitor during 24 h. Associations were examined by means of Analysis of Covariance. Results: Workers with an overall high level of self-reported occupational physical activity as well as those who reported to often lift heavy loads at work had a higher mean systolic BP at work, at home and during sleep. However, no associations were observed between objectively measured occupational physical activity and BP. In contrast, those with objectively measured high proportion of moderate and vigorous leisure time physical activity had a significantly lower mean systolic BP during daytime, while no differences were observed according to self-reported level of leisure time physical activity. Conclusions: These findings suggest that workers reporting static occupational physical activities, unlike general physically demanding tasks characterized by dynamic movements of large muscle groups, are related to a higher daily systolic BP, while high objective levels of moderate and vigorous leisure time physical activity are related to lower daytime systolic BP. Ambulatory systolic BP may be a physiological explanatory factor for the contrasting effects of occupational and leisure time physical activity

Causes and Consequences of Physiological Stress of Women Involved in Tea Plucking Activity

The present study was conducted in Kangra district of Himachal Pradesh (India) to study the physiological workload of respondents engaged in plucking tea leaves and identify the major causes and consequences of physiological stress. Majority of the respondents had ectomorph body with average physical fitness. During plucking tea leaves, the body of women workers deviate from natural alignment due to varying height of tea bushes. Hence, a continuous awkward standing posture, adverse environment and working conditions increase drudgery and decrease productivity of women workers. The change in environment temperature caused significantly higher physiological stress to the workers. At average working heart rate values during complete cycle of plucking, the total cardiac cost of work (TCCW-1166.21,108/92.62) and physiological cost of work (PCW=21.43, 21.90 beats) of the respondents in 25-35 and 35-45 years age category showed unacceptable physiological stress of higher workload and fatigue. The regression analysis of physical characteristics that is age, height, weight, body mass index, physical fitness index with heart rate showed that better the physical health lesser is the stress of workload on health of workers.Drudgery, Cardiac cost, Physiological stress, Fatigue, Workload, Labor and Human Capital,

Association between awkward posture and musculoskeletal disorders (MSD) among assembly line workers in an automotive industry

Automotive industry in Malaysia is one of the booming industries which encompass the design, development and manufacturing of motor vehicles. However, it has its own setback as the interaction between complex tools, machines, and instruments, coupled with humans as workers pose several health hazards. A cross-sectional study was conducted to determine the prevalence of musculoskeletal disorders (MSD) and the association with awkward posture among automotive assembly line workers. A simple random sampling method was adopted and data were collected based on Standardized Nordic Questionnaire (SNQ) and Rapid Upper Limb Assessment (RULA) method for analysing awkward posture. With a response rate of 83%, a total of 232 assembly line workers with at least one year job tenure participated in this study. The findings revealed that 78.4% of workers reported MSD while the highest percentage of complaints concerned the lower back (50.9%). Three factors were found to be significantly associated with MSD: age (χ2=5.61, p=0.018), job tenure (χ2= 8.26, p=0.004) and awkward posture (χ2= 65.37, p < 0.001). Logistic regression analysis indicated that significant risk factors for MSD symptoms were workers aged ≥25 years old (OR= 2.25, 95%CI 1.14-4.46) and those workers with equal and more than three years job tenure (OR= 2.44, 95%CI 1.04-5.63). In addition, workers in the very high and high RULA action level who were 69 times (OR = 69.38, 95%CI 14.51-331.73) and 12 times (OR = 12.42, 95%CI 5.21-29.58), respectively, also had higher odds of complaints of MSD. The high prevalence of MSD shows that MSD symptoms is a significant problem among automotive assembly line workers while age, job tenure and awkward posture based on RULA action level are the significant factors for MSD. In particular, this study proves that the prevalence of MSD increases as the RULA action level and job tenure increases. Thus, this problem could be reduced by decreasing RULA action level through appropriate ergonomic workstation design and ergonomic training for workers

The New Zealand workforce survey II: occupational risk factors for asthma.

INTRODUCTION: We conducted a cross-sectional population-based survey in New Zealand that collected information on work history, current workplace exposures, and selected health outcomes. We report here the findings on occupational risk factors for asthma symptoms. METHODS: A random sample of men and women aged 20-64 years were selected from the New Zealand Electoral Roll and invited to take part in a telephone survey. Current asthma was defined as: (i) woken up by shortness of breath in the past 12 months; or (ii) an attack of asthma in the past 12 months; or (iii) currently taking asthma medication. Adult-onset asthma was defined as first attack of asthma at age 18 or over. Prevalence odds ratios (ORs) for all occupations were calculated using logistic regression adjusting for sex, age, smoking, and deprivation. RESULTS: Totally, 2903 participants were included in the analyses. The prevalence of current asthma was 17% and the prevalence of adult-onset asthma was 9%. Prevalence ORs for current asthma were elevated for ever working as a printer [OR = 2.26; 95% confidence interval (CI) = 1.09-4.66], baker (OR = 1.98; 95% CI = 1.02-3.85), sawmill labourer (OR = 3.26; 95% CI = 1.05-10.16), metal processing plant operator (OR = 2.48; 95% CI = 1.22-5.05), and cleaner (OR = 1.60; 95% CI = 1.09-2.35). Excess risks of adult-onset asthma were also found for ever working as a printer, baker, and sawmill labourer as well as ever-working as a market-oriented animal producer (OR = 1.66; 95% CI = 1.14-2.41), and other agricultural worker (OR = 2.08; 95% CI = 1.03-4.20). A number of occupations not previously considered at high risk for asthma were also identified, including teachers and certain sales professionals. CONCLUSION: This population-based study has confirmed findings of previous international studies showing elevated risks in a number of high-risk occupations. The strongest risks were consistently observed for printers, bakers, and sawmill labourers. Several occupations were also identified that have not been previously associated with asthma, suggesting that the risk of occupational asthma may be more widely spread across the workforce than previously assumed

Getting into the minds of pairs of liars and truth tellers: An examination of their strategies

Abstract: We examined the strategies used by 20 pairs of liars and 20 pairs of truth tellers when they were given the opportunity to prepare themselves for an interview in which they would be questioned about their whereabouts during a given period of time. More lying than truth telling pairs prepared themselves for the interviews. The truth tellers and liars who did prepare themselves used different verbal strategies but the same nonverbal strategies. Regarding verbal strategies, truth tellers were predominantly concerned with telling everything they could remember. In contrast, liars thought of answers they could give to possible questions but also decided to be vague so that they would not contradict each other. Regarding nonverbal strategies, both truth tellers and liars tried to suppress nervous behaviours. These findings explain why truth tellers are typically more detailed than liars but also why liars are typically equally consistent as truth tellers, at least when answering questions they have anticipated. Implications for interview techniques to detect deceit are discussed. Keywords: liars&apos; and truth tellers verbal ane nonverbal strategies, lie detection. In their attempts to detect lies it will benefit criminal investigators to obtain insight into how truth tellers and liars prepare themselves for their interviews . This insight could predict what truth tellers and liars say and how they behave during an interview, and criminal investigators could use this insight to develop effective theory-based lie detection protocols. Given the importance, it is surprising that truth tellers&apos; and liars&apos; strategies to appear credible in an interview have been understudied for a long time The present strategies study differed from the previous studies in two important ways. First, previous studies concentrated on the strategies developed by individual truth tellers and liars whereas we focused on pairs of truth tellers and pairs of liars. We believe that this reflects an important aspect of real life, because criminals often work in groups or networks rather than alone. Second, after being interviewed, we asked the truth tellers and liars whether there were awkward moments during the interview that could have jeopardised their credibility. In theory, truth tellers and liars face the same task during the interview: They both need to convince an interviewer that they are innocent Those pairs of truth tellers and liars who do develop a joint strategy to appear credible are likely to develop different verbal strategies to achieve this aim. Truth tellers can simply disclose in detail during the interview everything that happened. In contrast, liars cannot do this but have to fabricate a story. They need to make sure that the information they give sounds plausible, but does not contradict facts that the interviewer knows or may find out. In case two liars are interviewed about the same event, as happened in the present experiment, they should also make sure they provide the same information and do not contradict each other. Therefore, truth tellers are likely to report that they discussed as a pair that they would say in the interview what had happened, and that they ran through the event together to remind each other of the details of the event (Hypothesis 2). In contrast, liars are likely to report that they, as a pair, had agreed on which fabricated story to tell during the interview to make sure that their stories would match one another. Liars further may have agreed not to disclose too much detail, because the more detail they provided, the higher the chance that they would contradict one another or say something the interviewer knows to be untrue (Hypothesis 3). The pairs of truth tellers and liars who develop a joint strategy to appear credible will develop similar nonverbal strategies to achieve this aim. People overwhelmingly believe that displaying nervous behaviour appears suspicious, in particular gaze aversion, fidgeting or other sorts of movements After the interview we asked truth tellers and liars whether they had experienced awkward moments during the interview. Liars&apos; tendency to take their credibility less for granted than truth tellers will make them more conscious of themselves during the interview and probably more aware of imperfections during such interviews. In addition, because lying is often cognitively more demanding than truth telling If asked what they have said wrong, truth tellers and liars are likely to provide different answers. People typically believe that providing accounts that lack detail, mentioning that they cannot remember something, or contradicting each other, will sound suspicious If asked what they have done wrong, truth tellers and liars are both likely to report the same thing: They will probably believe that they have shown nervous behaviours such as gaze aversion, fidgeting and other type of movements (Hypothesis 9). METHOD Participants Eighty undergraduate students, 13 males and 67 females, participated. Their average age was M = 19.36 (SD = 2.29) years. Procedure The event was modified from Truth Tellers On arrival at the Psychology Department laboratory, each pair of truth tellers (20 pairs, 40 truth tellers in total) was told that the study would take place at Gunwharf, a shopping centre near the Psychology Department. An experimenter (Sharon) brought the pair to Gunwharf. On the way Sharon pretended to receive a text message saying that the experiment is running late. She therefore brought the pair of participants to one of three restaurants and told them that they can spend up to £15 on lunch (but no alcohol). Three research-assistant observers were already in the three designated restaurants to check that all pairs would have lunch and stay in the restaurant (all pairs did). After 45 minutes Sharon returned to the restaurant. The truth tellers were told that, as the study was running late, the format had changed slightly and that the study would be carried out in the Psychology Department. When the participants returned to the Psychology Department laboratory, a second experimenter (Jackie) told each pair of truth tellers that they were both suspected of having committed a crime (taking two £5 notes out of a room) when they had lunch together and that in about 10 minutes they would be interviewed individually about their alibi. They were told that their task is to convince the interviewer that their alibi is true, having lunch together in Gunwharf. The interviewer did not know if the alibi was true but made a judgement at the end of the interview. To motivate the participants to perform well during the interview they were informed that if the interviewer believed the participant, they would be paid £10; in contrast, if she did not believe the participant, they would not receive any money, and may be asked to write a statement about their whereabouts during lunch-time instead. The pairs were then left alone together for 10 minutes. After 10 minutes each pair was taken to two different cubicles to fill out individually the pre-interview questionnaire. The questionnaire asked about the participant&apos;s gender and age, and whether he or she had discussed an interview strategy together with the other participant (yes/no). If they did not develop a strategy we asked them via an open-ended question why they did not do this. In case they did develop a strategy, we asked them via an open-ended question to describe it. After completing the questionnaire each participant was taken individually into the interview room where they were interviewed. Questions were asked about the layout of the restaurant, the food they had consumed, and the conversations they had. After the interview the participants individually completed the post-interview questionnaire, which asked (i) how motivated they were to perform well during the interview (7-point Likert scale ranging from [1] very unmotivated to [7] very motivated); (ii) to estimate the likelihood of receiving £10 and having to write a statement (both on 7-point Likert scales ranging from [1] very unlikely to [7] very likely); and (iii) whether they had experienced any awkward moments during the interview (answers were given on a 7-point Likert scales ranging from [1] not at all to [7] plenty). This question was followed by two specific questions about whether there was something (1) they had said or (2) done during the interview that raised suspicion (answers were given on 7-point Likert scales ranging from [1] not at all to [7] definitely). Via two open-ended questions we asked the participants to list (1) the speech content and (2) nonverbal behaviours that they thought had raised suspicion. 1 The answers to the open-ended questions are not statistically tested for two reasons. These qualitative answers are not really suitable for quantitative statistical testing. Moreover, for some questions too few participants provided answers to enable statistical testing. Liars At arrival in the Psychology Department laboratory, the second experimenter (Jackie) told each pair of liars (20 pairs, 40 liars in total) that two £5 notes were hidden in a purse in an empty room. Each pair was instructed to go together to the room, take the money out of the purse, share it and return. When they returned from taking the money, the pairs in the were told that they were suspected of having taken money out of a purse, that they would be interviewed individually in 10 minutes about this and that they had 10 minutes to fabricate an alibi about their whereabouts during the last 45 minutes. This alibi is that someone called Sharon took them as a pair to Gunwharf for an experiment, that the experiment was running late, and that they were therefore taken to a restaurant to have lunch together, paid for by the Department, and that Sharon returned after 45 minutes. They were then told that their task in the interview would be to convince the interviewer that they actually were in the restaurant as a pair. The interviewer would not know if the alibi is true but would make a judgement at the end of the interview. If the interviewer believes them, they would be paid £10, and could keep the money they took out of the wallet, but if she does not believe them, they would not receive the additional £10, and may be asked to write a statement about their whereabouts instead. The pairs were then left alone together for 10 minutes. After 10 minutes the pair of suspects were taken to two different cubicles to fill out the pre-interview questionnaire individually (see above). After completing the questionnaire each was taken separately into the interview room and were interviewed. After the interview the participants completed the post-interview questionnaire individually (see above). The participants were then debriefed, thanked and given £10 apiece. 2 1 Participants did not know whether or not the interviewer had believed them when they completed the post-interview questionnaire. 2 The condition reported in the text is the &apos;immediate&apos; condition. In another condition, the participants (truth tellers and liars) were sent home after their lunch/stealing the money and asked to return one week later. This delay factor is not relevant for this article and no hypotheses about it were formulated. However, to precise the error term we included the Delay factor as factor in our statistical analyses. RESULTS Motivation and Manipulation Check

Age Related Optimal Income Taxation

The focus of the present paper is on the intragenerational effects of nonlinear income taxation in a multiperiod framework. We investigate whether it is possible to achieve redistribution at smaller efficiency costs by enlarging the message space adopted in standard tax system (which only includes reported income) to consider also the age of taxpayers. Since it would be awkward to analyze an age related tax without taking into account the time-dimension, we use an intertemporal extension of the Stiglitz-Stern (1982, 1982) discrete adaptation of the Mirrlees (1971) optimal income taxation model. In the simplest version of the model we neglect the possibility of savings. This case can be interpreted as a situation with extreme liquidity constraints. It is shown that switching to an age related tax system opens the way for a Pareto improving tax reform entailing a cut in marginal tax rates for young agents. In a second version of the model we retain the possibility of savings and, assuming that the policy maker can tax interest incomes on a linear scale, we also analyze the optimal values of the interest income tax rate for the age dependent and the age independent tax systems.Optimal taxation; age specific taxes; tagging