Repression and Displacement of Main Character in Elizabeth Gilbert's Novel Eat, Pray, Love (a Psychological Analysis)

This study deals with Repression and Displacement of Main Character in Elizabeth Gilbert's Novel Eat, Pray, Love. The objectives of this study were to find out the causing of repression and the displacement in the novel. This study was limited to analyze Liz as the main character. This study applied descriptive qualitative method. The data were taken from Elizabeth Gilbert's novel Eat, Pray, Love. The findings indicated that Liz got repressions which are triggered by two factors; the crisis of self identity and marriage conflict. And then the displacement that occurred to the main character after getting repressions were losing faith about marriage, disorder eating habit, and converting new orientation of spiritual life. Keyword : repression, displacement, character, nove

Sale of visas: a smuggler's final song?

Is there a way of eliminating human smuggling? We set up a model to simultaneously determine the provision of human smuggling services and the demand from would-be migrants. A visa-selling policy may be successful at eliminating smugglers by eroding their profits but it also increases immigration. In contrast, repression decreases migration but fuels cartelized smugglers. To overcome this trade-off we show that legalisation through selling visas in combination with repression can be used to eliminate human smuggling while controlling migration flows. Simulations of the policy highlight the complementarities between repression and selling visas and call into question current policies

The Effects of Selective and Indiscriminate Repression on the 2013 Gezi Park Nonviolent Resistance Campaign

We investigate the differential effects of selective and indiscriminate repression on the rate of protest actions during the nonviolent resistance campaign in Gezi Park, Turkey, in 2013. After deriving theoretical expectations about how and why these forms of repression will influence protest actions, we test them with protest event data that were collected from a major local newspaper and subsequently validated through a comparison with two other independent Twitter datasets. Utilizing a Poisson autoregressive estimation model, we find that selective repression, as measured by the number of arrested activists who were detained while they were not demonstrating, decreased the rate of protest actions. Meanwhile, indiscriminate repression, as measured by the frequency of the government’s use of lethal and nonlethal violence against protesters during demonstrations, increased the rate of protest actions. Our findings support prior research on the influence of indiscriminate repression on backfire outcomes. They also provide evidence for the impact of selective repression on movement demobilization through the removal of opposition activists. Finally, the targeted arrest strategy of selective repression that was employed in the Gezi campaign has implications for the feasibility of the strategic incapacitation model of protest policing

Language Policy and Language Repression: The Case of Spanish Basques and Mexican Americans

This paper presents the argument that there are many similarities between the linguistic and cultural repression experienced by Basques in Spain and Mexican Americans in the United States. Linguistic and cultural repression, both historically and currently, is analyzed in terms of various language policies, especially those policies related to language use in school. The struggle for and importance of bilingual education for language and cultural maintenance is discussed. The paper concludes with the caution that the rise of conservative political groups such as The English Only Movement demonstrates that concern about linguistic and cultural repression is as imperative currently as it was historically

Capital mobility and financial repression in Italy, 1960-1990 : a public finance perspective

After significant headway towards liberalization of capital movements in the early 1960s, European governments resorted massively to capital controls in the turmoil of the demise of the Bretton Woods system. In some countries (Italy among others), what looked like a temporary backlash against incipient financial globalisation caused an escalation of domestic and external controls, leading to a comprehensive and long-lasting regime of financial repression. Why financial repression was so hard to dismantle, in spite of its widely recognized distortionary impact? Why did governments stick so long to sub-optimal policy instruments? By concentrating on the Italian case, this paper argues that a public finance approach may provide an answer to such questions. More specifically, following the literature on the political economy of capital controls and the fiscal implications of financial repression, the paper suggests that policies increasing revenues from implicit taxation may be regarded as an attempt to postpone the structural change in the established fiscal policy regime that capital liberalization necessarily entailed. As capital controls (and financial repression, more generally) substantially contributed to ease the government's budget constraint under conditions of structural deficit and rapidly rising debt, liberalization was expected to exacerbate fiscal problems. The paper illustrates the policy measures deployed to increase seigniorage revenues, grant implicit subsidies to the government and enforce financial protectionism. It also provides for the first time an estimation of the economic relevance of revenues from financial repression, which proved to be of a magnitude comparable to revenues from seigniorage. High revenues from implicit taxation (relative to GDP) can be considered a rough approximation of the cost of financial liberalization and may explain why the process of financial reform was slow and controversial

Transcriptional regulation of the human ALDH1A1 promoter by the oncogenic homeoprotein TLX1/HOX11

The homeoprotein TLX1, which is essential to spleen organogenesis and oncogenic when aberrantly expressed in immature T cells, functions as a bifunctional transcriptional regulator, being capable of activation or repression depending on cell type and/or promoter context. However, the detailed mechanisms by which it regulates the transcription of target genes such as ALDH1A1 remains to be elucidated. We therefore functionally assessed the ability of TLX1 to regulate ALDH1A1 expression in two hematopoietic cell lines, PER-117 T-leukemic cells and human erythroleukemic (HEL) cells, by use of luciferase reporter and mobility shift assays. We showed that TLX1 physically interacts with the general transcription factor TFIIB via its homeodomain, and identified two activities in respect to TLX1-mediated regulation of the CCAAT box-containing ALDH1A1 promoter. The first involved CCAAT-dependent transcriptional repression via perturbation of GATA factor-containing protein complexes assembled at a non-canonical TATA (GATA) box. A structurally intact homeodomain was essential for repression by TLX1 although direct DNA binding was not required. The second activity, which involved CCAAT-independent transcriptional activation did not require an intact homeodomain, indicating that the activation and repression functions of TLX1 are distinct. These findings confirm ALDH1A1 gene regulation by TLX1 and support an indirect model for TLX1 function, in which protein-protein interactions, rather than DNA binding at specific sites, are crucial for its transcriptional activity

Rebellion, repression and welfare

I develop a dynamic model of social conflict whereby manifest grievances of the poor generate the incentive of taking over political power violently. Rebellion can be an equilibrium outcome depending on the level of preexisting inequality between the poor and the ruling elite, the relative military capabilities of the two groups and the destructiveness of conflict. Once a technology of repression is introduced, widespread fear reduces the parameter space for which rebellion is an equilibrium outcome. However, I show that repression{driven peace comes at a cost as it produces a welfare loss to society.Rebellion, Repression, Inequality, Markov Perfect Equilibrium

Roles of Candida albicans Mig1 and Mig2 in glucose repression, pathogenicity traits, and SNF1 essentiality.

Metabolic adaptation is linked to the ability of the opportunistic pathogen Candida albicans to colonize and cause infection in diverse host tissues. One way that C. albicans controls its metabolism is through the glucose repression pathway, where expression of alternative carbon source utilization genes is repressed in the presence of its preferred carbon source, glucose. Here we carry out genetic and gene expression studies that identify transcription factors Mig1 and Mig2 as mediators of glucose repression in C. albicans. The well-studied Mig1/2 orthologs ScMig1/2 mediate glucose repression in the yeast Saccharomyces cerevisiae; our data argue that C. albicans Mig1/2 function similarly as repressors of alternative carbon source utilization genes. However, Mig1/2 functions have several distinctive features in C. albicans. First, Mig1 and Mig2 have more co-equal roles in gene regulation than their S. cerevisiae orthologs. Second, Mig1 is regulated at the level of protein accumulation, more akin to ScMig2 than ScMig1. Third, Mig1 and Mig2 are together required for a unique aspect of C. albicans biology, the expression of several pathogenicity traits. Such Mig1/2-dependent traits include the abilities to form hyphae and biofilm, tolerance of cell wall inhibitors, and ability to damage macrophage-like cells and human endothelial cells. Finally, Mig1 is required for a puzzling feature of C. albicans biology that is not shared with S. cerevisiae: the essentiality of the Snf1 protein kinase, a central eukaryotic carbon metabolism regulator. Our results integrate Mig1 and Mig2 into the C. albicans glucose repression pathway and illuminate connections among carbon control, pathogenicity, and Snf1 essentiality

Political attitudes under repression: evidence from North Korean refugees

What do citizens of highly repressive regimes think about their governments? How do they respond to high levels of repression? This paper addresses these questions by examining the political attitudes of North Korean refugees. Unsurprisingly the evaluations of regime performance are negative, and there is some evidence that they are becoming more so, even among the core political class and government or party workers. While the sample marginally overrepresents groups with the most negative evaluation of the regime, multivariate analysis is used to generate projections of the views of the wider population; this exercise indicates that that the null hypothesis that the refugees accurately represent the views of the resident population cannot be rejected at the 95 percent level. However the survey also shows that the barriers to effective communication and collective action remain high; repression works to deter political activity. Partly due to economic exigency, partly due to repression, private defiance of the government takes the form of “everyday forms of resistance,” such as listening to foreign media and engaging in market activities. Although not overtly political, these actions have long-term political consequences.information cascades; preference falsification; North Korea; refugees; political repression; unification