BETTER DEVILS OF OUR NATURE: THE ROLE OF VIOLENCE-JUSTIFYING IDEOLOGIES IN OPINION FORMATION

Extensive theoretical and empirical research has examined the role that violence-justifying ideologies play in generating violent behavior. Yet, a substantial body of this work employs measures that are consistently associated with sexist attitudes and gender stereotypes. As a consequence, scholars are limited in our ability to fully comprehend individuals’ propensity to endorse, or even promote violent behavior – or how these attitudes influence perceptions of victims and related policy preferences. I contribute to this line of research by creating a gender-neutral battery of anti-violence questions, in large part divorced from sexist stereotypes, to assess the consequence of those attitudes for politics and public policy in the United States. This flexible new measure of “violence-rejecting sentiment” can travel across policy areas and disciplines. Individuals scoring higher on this scale are less comfortable with violence as a social tool. My new instrument builds upon a common measure of “honor codes”, commonly used in research on rape and rape victims (Saucier et al. 2015) but it requires fewer question items (7 vs. 35), and in large part isolates attitudes toward violence from gender role expectations. Finally, I use survey experiments and regression analyses to examine how these attitudes (toward gender and violence respectively) independently and interactively impact opinion formation; this includes evaluations of victims of sexual and police violence, but also assessments of support for public policies to address these issues in the United States. I find that violence-justifying ideologies – sexism and racism in particular – attenuate the normatively positive effects of anti-violence values in many circumstances. This includes support for policies and services to assist victims and reduce violence

Implicit bias and moral responsibility: does ingroup membership matter?

Implicit bias seems to be at the heart of a number of pressing societal problems. Efforts have been made to reduce bias through spreading information about implicit attitudes and implementing bias training programs. To adequately address these issues, though, greater attention needs to be given to how individuals process and respond to information about implicit bias. The current study explored moral judgments of behaviors stemming from implicit bias judgments, with a focus on gender-based discrimination. We also considered how ingroup status (sharing the same gender as the perpetrator) may affect these judgments. Participants read a short scenario about a man or woman who exhibited either implicit or explicit bias toward the opposite gender; participants then reported their judgments of the perpetrator’s moral responsibility. Results revealed that less responsibility was attributed to behavior stemming from implicit (relative to explicit) bias. Implicit bias reduced responsibility regardless of whether or not the perpetrator was an ingroup member (same gender as the participant). Additionally, both male and female participants held the male perpetrator more responsible for his actions than the female perpetrator. This research provides a clearer picture of how people evaluate implicit bias, which is central to understanding why implicitly biased behaviors often result in minor consequences for the perpetrators. Future research should seek to more fully understand how individuals process and respond to information regarding implicit bias in an effort to reduce any potential negative consequences of spreading such information and construct the most effective methods for reducing bias.NASUNY College at New PaltzPsychologyM

Hostility Toward Dominant Culture Individuals and the Perceived Stability of Power

Racism in the United States is persistent and its negative effects are widespread. The social hierarchy in the United States positions White people as the dominant culture and Black people, among other races, as a minority culture. Current literature provides insight into explicit and implicit individual expressions of racism; however, very little research clarifies the effects racism has on the continuance and structure of the social race hierarchy. This study utilizes social gender hierarchy research to investigate how racism-induced hostility toward the dominant culture relates to an individual\u27s perception of the stability of the race hierarchy. This quantitative survey study compared a prime versus a non-prime condition. In the prime condition, Black participants (n = 129) were presented with racist statements to elicit a hostility toward White individuals response. A 6-point Likert-type scale quantified participants\u27 perceptions of the stability of the race hierarchy. A one-way between subjects ANOVA was conducted by comparing the perceived stability means as measured by the Race Hierarchy Scale. Contrary to expectation, the prime did not produce a statistically significant change in the perceived stability of the race hierarchy. The data did reveal a chronic individual perception of the race hierarchy as unchanging. This study contributes to positive social change by illuminating social structure aspects and how individual perception functions to maintain the race hierarchy in America. This knowledge will help direct future research, policy makers, the legal system, and the private sector. Attempting to understand the effects of racism from the perspective used in this study, may encourage other researchers to generate novel approaches and methods to combat discrimination

Perceptions of Officers who Use Force in Police-Civilian Interactions

abstract: Police officers in America interact with civilians on a daily basis as function of their job, and the way people perceive police officers can either help or hurt officers in performance of their duties. I conducted an experiment to test whether people perceive a police officer’s use of force differently depending on the officer’s race and gender. First, when an officer uses force, I propose competing hypotheses that a female officer will be viewed as less favorable than a male officer; however, because female aggression is less expected, I also predict that they will be viewed as more favorable than male officers. Second, when an officer uses force, I predict that a Black officer will be viewed as more aggressive than a White Officer. Lastly, I predict that perceptions of the officer (i.e., perceived aggression and emotional reactivity) would mediate the relationship between officer gender and attitudes towards the officer. Using an experimental survey design with a video of a police-civilian interaction, I found support that female officers were viewed more favorably than male officers when force was used. I found no support that Black officers would be viewed as more aggressive than White officers. Lastly, I found partial support that perceptions of the officer mediated the relationship between officer gender and attitudes towards the officer.Dissertation/ThesisMasters Thesis Psychology 201

Cross-cultural evidence for the influence of positive self-evaluation on cross-cultural differences in well-being

Poster Session F - Well-Being: abstract F197We propose that cultural norms about realism and hedonism contribute to the cross-cultural differences in well-being over and above differences in objective living conditions. To test this hypothesis, we used samples from China and the United States. Results supported the mediating role of positive evaluative bias in cross-cultural differences in well-being.postprin

Values and need satisfaction across 20 world regions

Poster Session F - Motivation/Goals: abstract F78Intrinsic valuing predicts the satisfaction of psychological needs (Niemiec, Ryan, & Deci, 2009). We conceptually replicate and extend this finding across 20 world regions. In multi-level models, Schwartz’s (1992) self-transcendence value was positively related to autonomy, competence, and relatedness satisfaction, even when controlling for the Big Five.postprin

Women and Crime

This paper examines the role of gender in three high profile criminal cases involving women. Each case highlights different circumstances of women involved in crime and the consequences of a justice system that does not acknowledge and address the role of gender in women’s criminal involvement. First, Cyntoia Brown’s case demonstrates the challenges specific to poor girls of color. Second, the case of Yeardley Love delineates the danger women face in their relationships with male intimate partners. Finally, the highly controversial case of Casey Anthony illustrates the societal pressure on women as mothers and the need to address potential biases both toward and against women. These three women had different roles in the criminal justice system and each trial resulted in verdicts causing public backlash for different reasons. Through researching and analyzing the details of each case and relevant gender theories, the importance of accounting for the role of gender in legal proceedings and policies is clear. Without proper investigation of gender’s role in criminal behavior, the law is uninformed and unable to deliver justice

From Ladies First to Asking for It: Benevolent Sexism in the Maintenance of Rape Culture

The problem of sexual violence against women has been analyzed with an eye to the causal significance of misogyny, but legal analysis has neglected the role played by other facets of sexism, including ostensibly benevolent sexism (or chivalry), in the perpetuation of rape culture, which normalizes this violence. Additionally, discussions of sexual violence often overlook the epidemic of acquaintance rape, although it accounts for the majority of sexual assaults committed. This Comment draws on social psychology and gender theory to posit that benevolent-sexist ideologies construct women as creatures devoid of agency, leading men to routinely presume women's consent to sexual activity whether or not such consent in fact exists. The legal treatment of women's rape and sexual harassment claims shows the catastrophic effects of this process as women are relegated cognitively, socially, and legally to a role of passive receptivity—forced to prove an absence of consent as men are taught to assume its presence. This Comment reviews legal proposals to address rape and sexual harassment, some of which have been implemented, and concludes that direct legal reforms alone are insufficient. It asserts that gender norms, and the rigid binary division of gender, must be broken down if the rates at which rape is committed and acquitted are to decrease. It finally identifies possible steps that target the root of sexism and rape culture—binary gender differentiation—and concludes that the liberation of queer, trans, and intersex communities is essential to the feminist project of eradicating sexual violence.</p

“Invisible” Black Women Being Denied, Passed Over, and Ignored as a Function of Racism (not Sexism) Among White People

There is considerable debate in psychology about the extent to which Black women (vs. Black men or White women) are targeted for discrimination, especially as a function of racism/sexism. To gain greater insight into the perpetration of racial and gender-based discrimination against Black women, Study 1 (N = 431; White MTurk workers) considered whether individual endorsement of sexism/racism moderates healthcare discrimination against Black or East-Asian (vs. White) women. Participants completed measures of modern racism/hostile sexism before being randomly assigned to make healthcare recommendations regarding a Black, White, or East-Asian female target. Collapsing across individual differences, there was not significantly more opposition to recommending healthcare resources for Black or East-Asian (vs. White) women. However, COVID-19 and general physical-health discrimination against Black (vs. White) women significantly increased as individual endorsement of racism increased. Furthermore, participants higher (vs. lower) in endorsement of racism were more opposed to recommending healthcare resources for Black (but not for White) women. Individual differences did not moderate any form of healthcare discrimination against East-Asian (vs. White) women. Study 2 (N = 480; White male MTurk workers) considered whether individual endorsement of sexism or racism moderated STEM-workforce discrimination against Black women (vs. Black men or White women). Participants completed prejudice measures before being randomly assigned to make hiring and promotion timeline recommendations for a Black female, Black male, White female, or White male target. Collapsing across individual differences, Black women (vs. White women or Black men) were not deemed less hirable or needing longer promotion timelines. Additionally, individual differences in racism did not significantly moderate STEM-workforce discrimination against Black (vs. White) women, but a marginally significant trend revealed more hiring opposition against Black women as racism increased. However, STEM-workforce discrimination against Black women (vs. Black men) was greater among participants higher (vs. lower) in endorsement of racism but not sexism. Furthermore, participants higher (vs. lower) in endorsement of racism were more opposed to hiring Black women (but not Black men or White women) and recommended longer promotion timelines for Black women (but not for Black men). This thesis concludes with a discussion of theoretical implications